Time will not stop for the current U.S. president, and those that will replace him will be those that lost out to him.
The task of looking beyond the horizon presents itself both in terms of intelligence and the sciences. But experience suggests that one must first glance back at the past. Donald Trump began long before he came out onto the electoral stage. He was known to be a person that expressed his opinion on political issues without taking any responsibility. People started to listen to him when he began giving campaign speeches that were, as it quickly became clear, directed toward a particular voter.
The speeches were aimed neither at the immigrant that entered the country illegally nor at the “citizen of the world,” not at the city hoodlum, nor at the conformist office plankton of the service sector – a relatively widespread stratum of the population in American cities. And they were certainly not aimed at the creative class that lives in a virtual reality where everything is as it seems. No, the words of Trump are addressed to the person that lives and stands with his or her feet firmly on the ground.
It was the former white worker and representative of the middle class that became Trump’s main voter: the person that, by the beginning of the elections, had already been dragging out an unhappy and unpromising existence but that still remembered the postwar prosperity of their parents, industrial growth and the baby boom from which they emerged. They are no longer young, but they are still robust people. Therefore, when Trump spoke about the necessity of returning production to American soil, i.e., about the re-establishment of traditional labor practices as one of the criteria for America’s prosperity (the other criteria will have to be left for the liberal financial factions, which will be addressed below), they looked upon his words with empathy and hope. They are people that partly lived through Vietnam and that haven’t forgotten Trump’s statements, which he made before the presidential race, about the necessity of stopping the deployment of American soldiers abroad.
In 2013, Trump tweeted, “Our Troops are being killed by the Afghanis we train and we waste billions there. Nonsense! Rebuild the USA.” It was then that he declared the U.S. should also “stay out” of the Syrian conflict. People listened to him in Russia, too, especially against a yellow background with an alarming red button with a linguistic error: “overload” instead of “reset,” which, in fact, turned out not to be a mistake, and if it was, then it was in the form of a Freudian slip. This was six months after the Georgian army attacks on Russian peacemakers in Tskhinval, which were accompanied by a substantial “preloading” by American and NATO, including Ukrainian, military trainers. They listened because Trump’s words began to sound discordant from the speeches of the other presidential candidates.
We can tentatively pick out Trump’s 10 electoral tracks, along which he planned to accelerate America’s status once again to that of a great power. The following areas are interesting: the war against Islamist terrorism, the reference to Ukraine in an unusual context and the desire to repair relations with Vladimir Putin and Russia. Hard to believe. We didn’t care about Barack Obama’s health care law, the anti-Mexican wall or taxes for the rich. To Russian statists, Trump’s drive toward strengthening his own economy appeared to be a likeable and justifiable move.
However, rumors took hold, and it became clear from the debate taking place on rather poor Russian television that the conversation looked like this: “Who supports Trump? I support Trump.” Then in response, “No, you shouted that he would never make it.” And so on and so forth.
Policy practitioners followed suit and behaved cautiously. And it paid off, as America was plunged into the abyss with its own president. Everything had been efficient and well-established with the liberal financial factions: production was transferred to countries with cheap labor forces and negligible environments; the politicians and governments of these countries were tightly bound by credit, and any political progress was strictly controlled up to the point of being erased.
Hence, freedom hasn’t existed here for a long time. Nothing depends on geography anymore: Asia and Europe are one and the same. It would would make sense, though, to start with Europe – Trump struck at Europe first – which has been uniting financially, militarily and within NATO in an anti-Russian manner. It is further united by the issue of oil and gas. Trump also attacked another global pillar – the economy of Southeast Asia, where the majority of the orders for commercial exports were being placed and with which sporadic wars had previously flared up. Americans were urged not to buy anything of Chinese origin, but a small handout from the liberal financial factions quickly solved that problem. Trump has almost frozen the Arab Spring, and if he withdraws troops from Syria …
The liberal financial factions began to hate the president of the United States after he displayed a complete lack of understanding of Ukrainian affairs and practically bragged about his lack of involvement in them. He didn’t even intervene with respect to money being channeled into Ukraine or the power of the cash flow, nor did he interfere with money flowing out of Ukraine for himself (known as a “kickback” in Russian).
For several decades, during which liberal-minded financiers controlled America and, in part, the world, they created a system of self-enrichment when it turned out to be more than profitable not to control material but to control financial capital instead, according to the formula “money is equal to money.” It’s profitable to service public debt by allocating money to it from the budget, which is controlled by banks and families; it’s profitable to invest megabucks in the military budget, which, in reality, demands no more than a third, if not a quarter, of that investment, while the rest disappears into protecting the interests of the protected. It’s profitable to manipulate countries and pit nations against one another – they need to be “helped,” they need to be given money, but as a gesture of gratitude, the politicians of these countries return their “small” share. It’s profitable to hack the monolithic political system because there is a collaborator in everyone, and they betray and gladly get even.
The most striking example would be Ukraine at present, where beneficiaries are swearing an oath to the liberal-minded financiers in return for payment, repairing all relations. But Trump, who does not follow this system, has destroyed everything, and the Kiev beneficiaries need to overcome obstacles in order to maintain a link under Trump with the old powers that be. And these old powers that be, while gritting their teeth, will suffer, albeit temporarily. Trump is not a part of this system, and he will leave at some point! But everything that is happening in America right now is just the Americans’ own vision of the situation in their country. One of those Americans is Trump himself. For Russia, it is a peaceful time in which we can just look back.
For Russia it’s time to concentrate on our own problems, correct our economy and raise the quality of life for our population, as well as our defense capabilities. It’s time to deal with the many defects that have corroded the governmental apparatus (starting with the law enforcement system) and to establish consistency between state and public institutions, and with that, long-term stability. In international affairs, before signing up for long-term interstate projects, Russia must weigh the sovereignty of others in its own hands with the aim of assessing America’s share in them and of finding paths to the future that are free of America.
So, we have looked back at the past; now let’s look forward … toward the horizon. What will happen when Trump leaves the stage? Beyond the horizon, the picture is clear: time will not stop for Trump; the years will continue to pass, and those that lost out to him will be the ones that come to replace him.