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News About the United States
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By Fabian Calle
June 24, 2005
PART II: A substantial part of the Amazonian Monitoring system called SIVAM (System for the Vigilance of the Amazon, is a sophisticated combination of 19 radar arrays, terrestrial sensors, 8 aircraft equipped with radar and electronic intelligence utilizing satellites) is already operational. It is destined to monitor the land and airspace of a substantial segment of the Amazonian region (especially the border area between Colombia and Venezuela). Brazil's investment in the project, initiated in 1994 with the American company Raytheon, has already topped $1.4 billion. During 2003, SIVAM detected a total of 4,128 illegal flights. In total, the system reflects a doctrine of defense that is increasingly focused on the control of the Amazon and the fight against non-state actors like drug traffickers, arms dealers and foreign groups that seek to infiltrate the country.
With this strategy, it is possible to understand how the penalty, or the "Law of Demolition" can now be enforced against aircraft suspected of illegal activities. The regulation and the development of this strategy includes calls for an increasing role and the endorsement of the Armed Forces in the job of maintaining internal security, as well strongly increasing the presence of security forces in the Triple Border zone [the border that sits astride Brazil, Argentina and Colombia]. In this way, Brazil intends to pursue an array of measures to reinforce security in the Triple Border zone, described by national and international experts as closely linked to contraband, drug trafficking, piracy, car theft and the financing of international terrorism. With these aerial patrol measures, Brazil has inaugurated at Foz do Iguacu a new Federal strategy for policing both land and sea in regions considered critical. These efforts will be coordinated with land-based electronic and human security systems responsible for monitoring security at the Itaipú Dam.
Despite the greater emphasis on confronting "new threats" or "non-state threats," Brasilia [Brazil's Capital] has looked for a balanced roles for more traditional methods of deterrence by acquiring an aircraft carrier of French origin, incorporating German and American armored vehicles and maintaining its nuclear submarine program, among other.
With a Defense budget of nearly 2.1% of GDP, the Brazil's defense sector has operated within a context of great social and political disinterestedness, but this is slowly beginning to change. The critical situation in the Andean-Amazonian zone in general in Colombia in particular is influencing this change. Also, economic growth and greater economic stability complement this tendency. The increasing use of the armed forces to enforce internal security, however, is really of little concern to most Brazilians, who are more worried about the fact that, according to the United Nations Educational and Cultural Organization, Brazil has 50,000 internal violent deaths per year, placing it fourth in per-capita internal violent deaths behind Colombia, El Salvador and Russia.
Brazil sees its exports of war material to Venezuela as a method of maintaining the delicate balance of maintaining leadership in the region and continuing good relations with Caracas and Washington's vision of Brazil as a moderator of the evils in the region. This is why, during his April meeting with U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Brazil's Minister of Defense Jose Alencar refused to give an opinion on Caracas' recent acquisition of war material, explaining that it is Brazil's policy to avoid interfering in the internal affairs of Venezuela. Finally, he criticized the actions of Colombia guerrilla forces, but he said little about what actions could be taken to stop them.
We should recall that the final declaration of the 6th Conference of Ministers of Defense of the Western Hemisphere that took place in Ecuador last year, failed to include any of the U.S. Defense Secretary's proposals. Their was a clear difference of opinion and a difference in vision between U.S. Secretary Rumsfeld and Vice President and Defense Minister Alencar, with respect to both organizing a hemispheric force to act in Colombia and whether or not it is convenient to involve the Armed Forces in fight threats like drug trafficking, organized crime and terrorism.
Brazil position was largely shared by Argentina and Chile. The Argentine delegation agreed on the necessity of reinforcing Colombia politically and diplomatically, without directly endorsing direct intervention in Colombian combat operations. Rumsfeld also for greater cooperation between the countries (especially greater inter-agency cooperation) to face "borderless" threats like "terrorism, drug trafficking, kidnappings and criminal bands), arguing that the interaction between these anti-social actors tends to destabilize American societies
As far as Peru is concerned, the Toledo government [President Alejandro Toledo] has signed an agreement of cooperation with Russia to modernize the aviation arm of its Armed Forces. Part of the program will be financed by a Russian credit of $200 million. An agreement with France may also be forthcoming to update Peru's Mirage 2000 fighter aircraft acquired 1980s. Finally, in part due to an ocean demarcation dispute with Chile left over from the last century, Peru has decided to acquire frigates formerly of the Italian Navy. In October 2004, the Lima affirmed that it might yet resort to the International Court of Justice to settle the marine boundary dispute.
The case of Argentina is an exception to these trends. With a defense budget that has collapsed to 1.1% of GDP over the past 20 years (Argentine defense spending was 3% 20 years ago; the worldwide average is 2.5%), the country has avoided any major modernization programs. One possible exception, or perhaps the beginning of a new trend, the government has chosen Argentine company INVAP to develop 11 bi-dimensional radars, as part of a larger overall radar strategy.
The cost of the plan is expected to be 54 million pesos [$18.8 million]. Also, as part of the plan, INVAP is slated to build three 3-D radars for the military, and the 3-D radar will be modernized just as the Air Force gets its sprucing up. The total cost of the plan is expected to reach $80 million. Also, Lockheed Martin plans to invest $40 million in its Cordova plant to build AT-63 Pampas training aircraft, and an improved version of the IA-63 Pampas, used for advanced pilot training and as support for ground troops.
During his recent visit to Argentina, Secretary Rumsfeld informed Buenos Aires [Argentina’s capital] of Washington’s decision to resume restrictions that existed decades ago on the exchange of technology used to produce air-to-air and surface-to-air missiles. But the Pentagon did agree to allow Argentine companies to bid on contracts in the U.S. defense sector. As Daniel Rooster pointed out in The Nation on March 21, this may be the reason there appears to be a reevaluation of defense spending on the part of Argentine society and its leaders, with the defense budget enjoying its largest increases in ten years – it could be the quickest solution to shortages in the public coffers. The national budget for the defense sector grew 7.9% in 2005, and grew by 6.51% in 2004. However, Argentina’s spending is still well below the regional average.
This review of the acquisition of arms in South America shows a panorama that extends far beyond Colombia and Venezuela. These trends are a product of traditional rivalries (Bolivia-Chile, Chile-Peru, Colombia-Venezuela, etc.), political-social crises that impel governments to emphasize nationalism, and the increasing power of transnational criminal actors (with their consequent impact on the internal security and borders between countries). For all of these reasons, the question of defense and security again occupies center stage.
To avoid adding additional chaos to a mix of already complex disturbances and conflicts will require maturity on the part of decision makers and their societies, the constructive influence of organizations of integration, like Mercosur (which will have to embrace political and security issues to remain relevant), and a well-thought-out, long-term policy from the United States. Otherwise, we risk being overwhelmed by the dark side of globalization and the realpolitik of the past.
Fabian C. Calle is Senior Researcher for the Argentine Council for International Relations, and is a member of the National Research Council of Argentina. He develops the Curriculum at the Torcuato Di Tella University, the Catholic University of Argentina and the Foreign Service Institute of Argentina. He can be reached at: www.cadal.org centro@cadal.org