From the moment of his arrest and incarceration, Alan Gross was portrayed by his family and the media as an “ordinary” and “naïve” American, who did nothing wrong except distribute some harmless electronics. This image was propped up by the U.S. government. In time however, details have begun to emerge as to the real reason for Gross’ presence on the island, which have caused some discomfort for the administration. Once again, these facts have proven that U.S. policymakers are missing a well-thought-out approach to Cuba.
The Cuban Escapade
Alan Gross, an entrepreneur from Maryland, had visited Cuba several times in the past. During these visits he passed out electronics equipment to the Jewish diaspora on the island, in order to provide Internet access. Gross was arrested in December 2009 on charges of subversion of the state and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. These events helped worsen already deteriorating relations between Washington and Havana.
Tired of the apparent inaction of the U.S. Department of State, the Gross’ relatives decided to take legal action. In November 2012 they sued the government as well as Alan’s employer. The family alleged that the government was negligent and that it put Gross in unnecessary danger. According to Alan’s wife, Judy, her husband wasn’t adequately trained or prepared for the risks he would face in Cuba. She is suing for $60 million in damages.
The ongoing court case may have reached a critical point. Last month, a new piece of evidence showed up in the form of an eight-page memo, which was prepared after Gross’ employer, Development Alternatives Inc., met with representatives from U.S. Agency for International Development, whose mission is to provide “economic, development and humanitarian assistance around the world in support of the foreign policy goals of the United States.” The memo states that in August of 2008 the two entities were talking about a new unclassified project whose goal was to install satellite equipment “under the nose” of Cuban authorities. Shortly thereafter, Alan Gross was selected as the man to carry out the job, despite his lack of experience and weak command of the Spanish language. USAID promised to protect the asset as well as his contacts.
Satellite Democracy
The aforementioned memo highlights the workings of a government agency. The representatives from USAID mentioned that they do not ask the Cubans why they need democratic change, but rather are content to supply technology to the Cubans in the hopes of creating a “spark.” They also acknowledged the challenges that such an effort would face from the hostile Cuban authorities. The memo also names the group in charge of the effort, namely the Cuba Democracy and Contingency Planning Program. Most importantly however, this group was not an analytical one, but merely operational. The group’s actions were also strictly controlled by USAID. Development Alternatives Inc. was chosen because of its international scope and contacts, and its ability to provide a cover story for the operation.
Gross managed to set up three points with Internet access — one in Havana and two beyond the capital — and received $258,000 in financing. Before starting his last assignment, he asked for more funds and received an extra $332,000. Gross was considering going back twice after that, as his efforts looked to be quite successful. The recently revealed memos also showed the possibility of expansion to three other groups beyond the Jewish community. In November 2009, Gross once again left for Cuba. Two weeks later he was arrested.
The equipment that Gross was delivering consisted of cell phones, computers and advanced Broadband Global Area Network equipment. This equipment was to be used to initiate Internet connections with anyone around the world. Using satellite signals, a user could make phone calls, send emails, or create Wi-Fi networks. In his reports, Gross commented on the security of these networks, as well as the ability of the Cuban government to track down the radio signals. He even planned to install SIM cards that would scatter the wireless signals using GPS.
Blackmail and the Cuban Five
In the course of the court proceedings back in the U.S., DAI moved to reject the lawsuit altogether. According to their lawyers, the company was not required to protect Gross, since he was an independent subcontractor who should have taken better steps to protect himself. It described the whole lawsuit as purely political.
The decision to submit the crucial memo seems to be planned in advance. DAI no doubt wants President Obama to hush the whole affair up, rather than have the inner details of any Cuban operation be revealed in court. This is known as “graymail.”
The Alan Gross affair also has another dimension to it. From the moment he was arrested, Mr. Gross became a bargaining chip in the release of the “Cuban Five.” These five were convicted in Miami of “conspiracy to commit espionage, conspiracy to commit murder, acting as an agent of a foreign government, and other illegal activities in the United States.”
Lessons for the Future
Gross’ incarceration has renewed debate about the direction the American government should take with relations to Cuba. Like most of the previous installments of this debate, it is sadly locked into a vicious cycle of outdated ideology, and no common sense plan has been able to gain traction. Neither side wants to give in first and each is trying to weaken the other.
The aforementioned “democracy programs” are also evidence of the anachronistic tendencies on the part of the policymakers in Washington. Despite the flow of time, the objective of every covert anti-Castro mission has been the same. By all standards, Gross’ mission was a violation of Cuba’s sovereignty and was designed to interfere with the internal politics of the Cuban state.
Ricardo Herrero, a member of the Cuba Study Group has recently come out with a proposal on restarting negotiations for Alan Gross’ release, albeit on different terms. Even if the Americans reject the fact that Alan Gross was doing something wrong, there is still some wiggle room to be made. Some provisions of the embargo, for example, could be lifted, especially those which are completely outdated and antiquated. Secondly, the U.S. could offer Cuba help with the growth of its private sector, as its success is mutually beneficial. Finally, some back channel finessing could have a successful outcome, much like in the case of Spanish national Angele Carromero.
The normalization of relations between Cuba and the United States will be one of the many challenges that the relatively new secretary of state, John Kerry, will have to face. His earlier position of the matter certainly can show that he is open to the idea. As a senator, he often criticized Washington’s stance toward Havana, saying that it was completely ineffective. He was also skeptical about the embargo and the financing of opposition radio and television by USAID. However, Kerry will surely run into opposition from Cuban-American legislators, who are hostile to any compromise with the Castro family. Nevertheless, the freeing of Alan Gross should be a top priority for the U.S. government, especially since they have been able to free American nationals from prisons in Burma, Iran or North Korea.
Bye, bye, Alan.
Ya’ big dope you.