Alberto Gonzales: Bush's Latest Mexican Fall Guy

Published in Argenpress
(Argentina) on 26 March 2007
by Jorge Gómez Barata* (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Douglas Myles Rasmussen. Edited by .
After General Ricardo S. Sánchez paid for the broken plates at Abu Ghraib, Alberto Gonzáles, Attorney General of the United States, stands to be the second descendent of Mexicans to be sacrificed for naught by Bush.

It's one or the other: either Gonzáles has lost the faculty of reason, or the firing of eight federal prosecutors with a stroke of the pen was part of a maneuver meant to keep the Senate busy and ensure that the press and public look the other way, while the President seeks to buy time and press a new offensive to pacify Baghdad.

As a third hypothesis, one could reason that the Attorney General was contaminated by the rash of arrogance that, fed by the aftermath of 9-11, has brought the President and his administration to believe that they can place themselves indefinitely beyond punishment and above the law and the nation's institutions.

In the United States like almost anywhere else, what the people think hardly matters except at election time, when their vote is essential to legitimize the decisions of those at the top; but no President and no public official of rank can ignore the interests and will of the elite.

Despite how it may occasionally look otherwise, in the United States the state represents the interests of the dominant class as a whole, and not the interests of one of its parts.

The North American Congress has let it be known that in since 1981, 468 federal prosecutors had been named, and in that period only ten left office involuntarily [other than during a change in administration, when all are often replaced]. This is a shocking figure: Alberto Gonzáles fired as many federal prosecutors as had been removed in the past 25 years.

The magnitude of the farce explains the scale of the reaction form the press, the public and the Senate, which was expressed quickly and with an energy that the Administration had never anticipated. Most unusually, the Senate of the U.S. Congress achieved a full quorum, voting 98 to 2 to withdraw the authority that had been granted the Attorney General within the framework of the Patriot Act.

The administration, under suspicion for having caused the problem, has found a way to deflect the preliminary debate into one about procedure, where the discussions are long, technically complicated and where the damage is usually minimal.

At the moment the Senate has thrown up two challenges to the Bush Administration: First, suspending its right to name public prosecutors without Senate approval; and then, calling for high-level government officials [like Karl Rove] to testify before it, which is something Bush opposes.

For the moment, all sides are wearing themselves out arguing over who will appear before Congress and whether or not they will testify under oath, and if any of this will impede the investigation. Little or nothing is being said about the reasons these public officials were fired.

The differences over these technicalities present several problems, among them the conflicting loyalties of public officials who, despite being summoned by Congress, can be ordered by the President not to testify. Since in the United States the concept of “due obedience” doesn't exist, and loyalty is no excuse for breaking the law, these summoned public officials run the risk of ruining their political careers.

Gonzales, the son of Mexican emigrants, is counting on a pedigree which, in addition to including a personal friendship with the President, also includes his service as legal counsel when Bush was governor of Texas. During that period, the currently discussed Attorney General performed the disagreeable task of advising Bush with respect to the appeals of those condemned to death.

Called to the White House in the heat of September 11, Gonzáles is one of the architects of the Patriot Act and the creative force behind the arguments justifying torture, eavesdropping, secret prisons and other summary procedures that North Americans are unaccustomed to. As he represents such a negative weight and with Bush on the verge of ending his presidency, it wouldn't be strange to see him leave, after having preoccupied the country with a debate that he himself initiated, and which he never had a chance of winning.

*Jorge Gómez Barata is a Cuban university professor, researcher and journalist, and the author of many studies on the U.S.


Alberto Gonzáles en su laberinto

Por: Jorge Gómez Barata (especial para ARGENPRESS.info)
Fecha publicación:26/03/2007

Después de que el general Ricardo Sánchez pagara los platos rotos en Abu Ghraid, Alberto Gonzales, Fiscal General de los Estados Unidos, pudiera ser el segundo descendiente de mexicanos, sacrificado por Bush en aras de nada.

Una de dos: o bien Gonzales, perdió la razón, o la cesantía de ocho fiscales federales de un plumazo es parte de una maniobra destinada a entretener al Senado y lograr que la prensa y la opinión pública miren para otro lado, mientras el presidente trata de ganar tiempo e intenta algún avance en la pacificación de Bagdad.

Como tercera hipótesis es admisible el razonamiento de que Procurador General, fue contagiado con el brote de soberbia que, alimentado por la zaga del 11/S, ha llevado al presidente y a la administración, a creer que pueden situarse, impune e indefinidamente por encima de la ley y de las instituciones.

Si bien en Estados Unidos, como en casi todas partes, no importa mucho lo que piense el pueblo, excepto en períodos electorales donde su voto es imprescindible para legitimar las decisiones de las cúpulas, ningún presidente y ningún funcionario de alto rango pueden ignorar los intereses y la voluntad de la elite.

Aunque circunstancialmente lo parezca, en Estados Unidos, el Estado representa los intereses de la clase dominante en su conjunto y no de un segmento de ella.

El Congreso norteamericano ha dado cuenta que en los últimos 25 años fueron nombrados 468 fiscales, en ese período sólo diez fueron cesanteados. El dato es chocante: Alberto Gonzales despidió a tantos fiscales federales como todos los que fueron removidos en 25 años.

La grandeza del disparate explica la escala de la reacción de la prensa, la opinión pública y el Senado, que se ha pronunciado rápidamente, con una energía que la Administración nunca había experimentado. De modo inusual, la Cámara Alta del legislativo norteamericano alcanzó un quórum del ciento por ciento y, mediante una votación de 98 a 2, retiró al fiscal las atribuciones que le había concedido en el marco de la Ley Patriótica.

La Administración, sospechosa por haber sido ella quien creó el problema, se las ha ingeniado para conducir los preliminares del debate hacía el terreno de los procedimientos, una zona donde las discusiones son largas, técnicamente complicadas y donde los daños suelen ser mínimos.

De momento el Senado ha lanzado dos retos a la Administración, primero, suspendiendo sus derechos a nombrar fiscales federales obviando la aprobación senatorial y citando a comparecer a altos funcionarios del gobierno, cosa a la que el presidente Bush se opone.

Por ahora, todos los factores se desgastan discutiendo quiénes comparecerán ante el Congreso y lo hacen o no, bajo juramento y si está en manos del impedir la encuesta. Nada o muy poco se dice de las razones por las que los funcionarios fueron despedidos.

Técnicamente el diferendo plantea varios problemas, entre ellos un conflicto de lealtades para los funcionarios que, no obstante ser convocados por el legislativo, pueden recibir la orden del presidente de no comparecer. Dado que, en Estados Unidos no existe la “obediencia debida” y la lealtad no sea excusa para violar la ley, los funcionarios convocados corren riesgos que amenazan sus carreras políticas.

Gonzales, hijo de emigrantes mexicanos, cuenta con un pedigrí en el que además de su amistad personal con el presidente, figura el haberlo servido como asesor jurídico durante la época en que Bush fue gobernador de Texas. En ese período, el ahora discutido Fiscal General de la Nación, cumplió la desagradable tarea de aconsejarlo respecto a las apelaciones de condenados a muerte.

Llamado a la Casa Blanca al calor del 11 /S, Gonzáles es uno de los artífices de las leyes patrióticas y creador de los argumentos para justificar la tortura, las escuchas, las cárceles secretas y otros procedimientos sumarios a los que los norteamericanos no están habituados. Con tanta carga negativa y con Bush a punto de cesar como presidente, no sería extraño verlo partir después de haber entretenido al país con un debate que él mismo provocó y en que nunca tuvo oportunidades ganadoras.


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