Internationalist Obama: It's Payback Time!

Now that Barack Obama embarked upon a round of visits in the Middle East and in Europe, the international community is eager to find out in what new directions will the democratic candidate, if elected in November, steer American foreign politics. His program contains good news for U.S. allies, as well as for certain adversaries. But they come with a price tag; President Obama is sure to ask more of his partners that unilateralist George Bush.

Barack Obama wants to be pragmatic. Accused of lacking experience, he tries to compensate by emphasizing his good judgement in opposing the war in Iraq since 2002. He promises to develop a comprehensive strategy which identifies the dangers in the world while seizing upon its opportunities. He accentuates the importance of diplomatic action and reinforcement of alliances, in particular with Europe. He declares that under his leadership, America will be restored to the community of nations, never again to go it alone, vis-a-vis world challenges like climate warming.

This ambitious pragmatist laid down five major goals: to put an end to the war in Iraq, manage better the war against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, secure nuclear weapons and materials, make safe the energy security and rebuild alliances. He promises to double the allocation for development assistance to as much as 50 billion dollars in 2012, in spite of the fact that this is not very popular with the Americans.

Europeans are sure to like Obama (Israelis less so) as he declares that the Iraq war was a strategic error, which distracts America from dealing with true threats. He wants to return the priority to Afghanistan, where he intends to boost up the military. But his proclaimed project of bringing the troops back home from Iraq in sixteen months gives rise to anxious questions: would such a step not endanger the fragile stability of Iraq and the region? The candidate has only to reassure half of his interlocutors: If he promises a responsible and careful withdrawal, he does not explain how he intends to adapt his promise to the hard reality in the field he will be visiting for the first time at since 2006.

Another outcome, which worries Europeans, is Obama counting on their help with Iraq. We will form a new coalition to support the country, including its neighbours, the United Nations and the European Union, he announced. He also expects more important contributions, and with less restrictions from NATO in Afghanistan. He wants more troops, more helicopters, more satellites, more drones in the border region with Pakistan. His muscular approach to Pervez Musharraf’s administration, which lost the confidence of the people is likely to cause some people to break in cold sweats: I will not tolerate a terrorist haven, he says, and if Pakistan does not act, we will do it.

With Iran, Obama wants to bring to bear the full influence of the United States in negotiations, including a direct, higher level, dialogue with, an approach just started by George Bush and applauded by the allies.

On the issue of climate change, he wants Washington to lead the international effort within a new total energy forum. He wants oil consumers to join together in a league vis-a-vis OPEC, with an aim to reduce their imports.

He also wishes to build new alliances against terrorism, drug and weapons trafficking. In short, he wants active partners.

Europe, which benefited from the dollars of the Marshall plan and American protection during the cold war, is invited to pay back. It is time for the United States and Europe to renew their common engagement to face the threats of the 21st century. How to please everyone and upset a few.