The American Catalog for Egypt

Egypt has been governed since 1974 under the catalog that was designated by the Americans for President Sadat and his regime to go by. To tell the truth, it is considered to be the actual constitution of Egypt, and still has sovereignty over the (Egyptian) constitution that was issued in 1971. This catalog’s main focus is to dismantle Egypt completely, from the point of the military victory in the 1973 war, by replacing the nation with another ”Egypt” – one that is not willing to confront Israel, and one unable to fight in its own defense.

The security of Israel is the philosophy and the purpose, for which they made “the new Egypt,” according to the American way.

This sacred catalog has five parts:

Part I:

Keeping Sinai a hostage, so that Israel could re-occupy it at moment. Also, to leave the Egyptian regime under constant threat and pressure, making the government think a thousand times before adopting any policy to upset the United States or Israel.

How did they do that? They managed to do it through the security convention applied in Sinai and under a signed peace agreement, under which Sinai was divided into longitudinal sections parallel to the Suez Canal, which they named from the west to the east: (a), (b) and (c).

It is allowed to place the Egyptian armed forces in region (a) only, with a number of only 22 thousand troops, equivalent to a quarter of the number of troops that fought in the 1973 war and won out of bloodshed and martyrdom, retrieving the Suez Canal in the first Disengagement Agreement signed in January 18, 1974.

As for region (b), it is banned from putting more than 4,000 troops of border guards, all of which must be only armed with light weapons. As for region (c), it is for the Egyptian police only.

Foreign forces are putting their eyes on us right from our (Egyptian) territory. Their view is originating from two military bases in Sinai: in Sharm el-Sheikh and El Gorah, in addition to another 31 inspection points, which belong to the United Nations’ forces called Multinational Forces. To tell the truth, almost 40% of these forces are American nationals, and the rest belong to the allied forces of NATO and Latin America, also considered to be under American leadership.

This situation is like a pistol directed at one’s head all the time, but “the enemy” is not showing it and the Egyptian regime is denying its existence, yet still thinking of it with fear.

Part II:

This enemy came to demilitarize Egypt from its ability to support any effort similar to what happened before and during the 1973 war. The enemy found out that the victory of the October 1973 war was backed up by an economic strength. This power was the solid Egyptian public economy in its ability to fund the war. “They” decided to eliminate it, or in other words, sell it and privatize the public sector, as “they” named it. These steps have been industriously and eagerly practiced by the Egyptian administration from 1974 until this moment. It is not just a bias to the private sector or to the capitalist ideology, and not a pure decision issued by the Ministry of economy, but rather, a war-based decision issued by the U.S. State Department to the Egyptian Administration.

The International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the USAID were all tools used as pressure to implement and complete this task. So, they replaced the public sector that was supporting the military achievements with the U.S.’s annual military aid to Egypt. This totals 1.3 billion dollars in the budget approved by Congress in March of each year, compared to 2.4 billion dollars for Israel.

By this end, they secured the military balance in favor of Israel, putting (the Egyptian) military abilities permanently under their own noses, and controlling it through experts and sent spare parts, etc.

The fact that the economic openness law kicked off in March 1979, within two months of the first Disengagement Agreement and prior to the Israeli forces’ withdrawal from Sinai, is not a coincidence.

Part III:

It is a part that regulates the political life in Egypt: drawing green and red lines, specifying legality and warnings’ standards, choosing who is allowed to work and participate in the political system from the government and the opposition. Also, it determines who is expelled from legitimacy and deprived of its paradise.

In this part, the basic and the purely American condition has been set. This specifies that with the right of any Egyptian citizen (an individual or a group) in exercising of any political action should remain the recognition of Israel and its right to exist; and an intention to live in peace with it and coexist with it.

This has been formulated through the establishment of a “mock party system,” composed of a limited number of parties and headed by a permanent one-party system that takes all governance and authority. It is named “the party of Egypt,” “the national party” or “the party of future,” or titled with any name on the one condition that its basic program’s notion is that peace is a strategic choice.

And as we know, peace is the dynamic name of Israel’s security. On this basis, the primary commitment of the ruling party in Egypt should be: “Israel’s security is a strategic choice.”

Americans have put this part in the catalog lest someone in a way similar to Anwar Sadat were to revolt against peace with Israel, the same way Anwar Sadat essentially revolted against Abdel Nasser’s policy. This is not all, as the Americans were careful enough to also dismantle the anti-Israel “Old Egypt.” They decided to prevent the political activities in the Egyptian universities, due to the role of students’ movements observed in 1971, 1972 and 1973. This activism had put pressure on Sadat’s decision to accelerate the war. Also, they noticed the role of universities and student life in educating and preparing national enthusiasm and hostile generations to America and Israel. So, the decision came to close the plants that are the only places in Egypt that produce nationalistic, politicized youth who are conscious of realities.

It was not a coincidence to see the students’ instructional chart issued, preventing political activities in universities in 1979, in the same year Egypt signed the peace agreement with Israel.

Part IV:

The purpose of this part was in building a class of Egyptian businessmen who are loyal followers of the United States and friends to Israel. This is a class that adopts the American scheme and defends the new system, protecting it from the other the Egyptian class (the poor one). Businessmen who defend peace with Israel and a dependency on the United States have interests linked together via “business.”

This class of businessmen has been built by the American economic aid of 800 million dollars since 1975, which annually decreased in recent years. The USAID contracted with hundreds of individuals and companies to do hundreds of projects with tremendous facilities, some lending with an interest rate of 1.5%, ten times less than the specific interest consistent in Egyptian banks.

The American’s Egyptian class has been successfully built. Mission accomplished. It is the class that owns and operates Egypt’s administration now. It also holds oil and gas deals, such as the “QIZ” (Qualified Industrial Zones), and agreement and tourism with Israel. Moreover, it is the one responsible for importing Israeli agricultural seedlings to Egypt, and exporting cement to be used in building the Israeli barrier. What lies beneath is hell.

Also, it owns a number of newspapers, satellite channels, private associations, and issues parliamentary legislation. Each year, there are people who call themselves “lagnat tarq el abwab,” which literally means “knocking-doors group” or “pilgrims,” who go to America in order to facilitate common relations; to make deals and to record the new instructions that are being dictated.

Part V:

It covers all the plans that isolate Egypt from the Arab and Islamic nation, and from forming any group, idea, doctrine or ideology hostile to the Zionist-American project. It puts the legal basis for this part in Article VI of the Peace Treaty, which explicitly stipulates the priority of the obligations stated within, above any Egyptian precedent commitment, especially the Arab Joint Defense Agreement.

Also, the treaty obliges Egypt to be committed not to get itself into any new commitments that contradicts the articles of the “Israeli treaty.”

The next step was to form an army of intellectuals: thinkers, writers, journalists and media men and women who point their heavy artillery to all that is Arab and Islamic and all that is national or progressive. An army that targets every Egyptian identity: historical and cultural, that might confront the American Zionist colonial project.

In this part, public awareness and beliefs of people are the target, as they are the last solid barrier that defends the homeland.

Those attackers waged a war against the Arab identity and against what they called “the Arab Islamic invasion.” Instead, they kicked off a campaign about the over 5,000-year-old Pharaonic civilization and the historical links between us (Egyptians) and the Jews, etc.

They are still planted among us, being activated with any new attack on the (Arab) nation. They began their attack in the latter aggression practiced upon Gaza, and before in Lebanon in 2006, and in the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, and in the Palestinian uprising in 2000, and many other times – whenever it is required to cover up the situation of the Egyptian administration.

We will not find any details of what is happening in Egypt outside of the American Catalog. Of all the issues recently raised: Egypt’s ruling inheritance, corruption, tyranny and emergency law, etc. All those issues are nothing but a line here or there in the American Catalog!