The Sad Truth About Peace Bases

United States militants assigned to seven military bases located in Colombia should not be a surprise for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which always kept its ambassadors informed on what it had found out from Washington. However, it is doubtful that any were students of neither diplomacy nor strategy, because none have demonstrated having any idea of what strategy consists of. The effective military presence of the United States in these seven Colombian bases is already well underway. It aims to give logistical support in the struggle against drug trafficking, and is a consequence of a law passed by the United States Congress at the end of the last millennium, which deals directly with this circumstance, among many other similar geopolitical possibilities between Bogota and Washington.

However, Don Francisco Arias Cardenas should have a stronger opinion to show than he has, due to their previously established geopolitical relationship. He ignores what has happened. The North American military presence in Colombia is not new, and he finds himself entangled in continuously serious strategic objectives with the north, which are being repeatedly called imperialistic without his knowing “why” or “what that means.” He also ignores what the maneuver is actually trying to do. These actions originate from Law S1758 supported by North American senators DeWine, Grassley and Coverdell, passed on October 20, 1999 during the 106th congressional session of the External Relations Committee. As stated in the law, it is designed as a pilot plan to test and militarize the basic tenants of the United States’ geostrategic plan. It tries to give the United States control over Latin America and attempts:

1. To establish military control in the southern region of the country to eradicate drug cultivation. Destroying pathways of transport and improving the interception of narcotics on rural highways, areas, maritime lanes and flight paths.

2. The foundation of a judicial system, the implementation of technological systems of investigation, prison reform, the support of anti-corruption groups that investigate public functionaries and the application of laws towards the eradication of corruption.

3. Neutralizing the finances of drug traffickers not only in Colombia but also in other countries, generating anti-contraband forces with an aggressive program to confiscate drugs and the closure of bank accounts that hold funds earned through the trafficking of drugs.

4. To combat the “allies” of narcotics terrorists. First, with the reinvestment in methods to stop kidnappings, extortions and terrorism surrounding narcotic trafficking; secondly, with a block on the acquisition of arms from groups that benefit from drug trafficking.

5. The integration of initiatives and national operations into regional and international forces to combat the trafficking of drugs. This includes sharing intelligence information and knowledge with security agencies from other countries.

6. Finally, the formalization and implementation of genuine development plans to offer educational opportunities, employment and social services in regions affected by illicit activities, such that incentives exist for young people to stay away from terrorism and not fall into delinquency.

These were the outlined goals from the United States’ 1999 law. Did Don Francisco not know about this? What did he do while this was happening in Washington? How has his professional performance changed in quality as Vice-chancellor of the Republic? Coming to mind now is the “sketch” of the “peace bases,” his nonexistent knowledge of the profession of ambassador and his image as sad marionette serving a subject “he we will not name” from Mira Flores. He charges him publicly in encouraging the felon revolution. This is a far cry from his past intention to rise to the presidency of the republic by electoral vote, confronting the supreme commander. What a chicken!