The Security Treaty at 50

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 19 January 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Haitham Jendoubi. Edited by Laura Berlinsky-Schine.
Fifty years ago today, the current U.S.-Japan Security Treaty was signed at the White House, with Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi and U.S. President Eisenhower in attendance.

This event soon sparked the historic 1960 riots in protest of the treaty. Five months later, the national student league broke into the Diet Building, which lead to the death of Michiko Kanba. [Editor’s Note: Kanba was a student activist who was killed in clash with riot police.]

Fifteen years had passed since the end of World War II. Moreover, the United States and the Soviet Union were pitted against each other in the Cold War. Although the Korean War had entered an armistice, it was a period when wars like Vietnam were impending.

In a poll conducted by The Asahi Shimbun during this time, 38 percent of respondents said that there was a high risk that the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty will draw Japan into a war. As a way to maintain Japan’s security, 35 percent suggested that Japan become a neutral country.

Opposition to the reactionary image and heavy-handed politics of Prime Minister Kish — who was a class-A war criminal — was strong. Some also viewed this as the resurgence of nationalism that had been at low ebb since the U.S. occupation.

Fifty years later, the U.S.-Japan alliance has enjoyed a half-century of acceptance by Japanese society. Now, polls by Asahi Shimbun indicate that more than 70 percent of respondents want to maintain the alliance.

Since the end of the Cold War, the role of the U.S.-Japan alliance, redefined as a way to preserve stability in the Asia-Pacific region, has firmly taken root. Faced with the threat of North Korea, which persists in its nuclear and missile development, and an ascendant China, the Japanese share a broad sense of security thanks to the alliance.

Japan provides bases, and its Self-Defense Force and the American military share the burden of Japan’s defense. Under Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution, Japan’s defenses are limited to deterrence and may not project military power overseas. American forces stationed in Japan are not only protecting Japan, but are also contributing to security in the Asia-Pacific region by acting as a deterrent.

That is the enduring framework of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. The very peace of mind afforded by Article Nine is behind the Japanese population’s support of the alliance.

There are natural limits on how far Japan ought to cooperate with the United States in its military endeavors. Japan dispatched its Self-Defense Force to Iraq in the midst of divided public opinion, but had there not been a brake in the form of Article Nine, the mission might not have stopped at providing reconstruction aid.

Japan’s Asian neighbors have also come to accept the alliance as a way to maintain stability in the region because they have been reassured by the fact that Japan’s constitution includes Article Nine.

Asia’s profile will continue to change. In the discussions begun by the Japanese and United States government to “strengthen the alliance,” Japan must actively suggest new roles and possibilities for cooperation. How to lighten the burden borne by Okinawa — where American military bases are concentrated — as well as how to resolve the problem of secret pacts between the United States and Japan, are also unavoidable issues.

However, the framework of both Article Nine and the security treaty continues to be useful in Japan’s international dealings.


 50年前のきょう、岸信介首相とアイゼンハワー大統領が出席して、米ホワイトハウスで、現在の日米安全保障条約への署名が行われた。

 これがやがて、60年安保闘争として歴史に残る騒乱につながる。5カ月後には、全学連の学生らが国会に突入。樺(かんば)美智子さんが命を落とした。

 戦争が終わってから、まだ15年だった。しかも、当時は米ソ両国による冷戦のまっただ中だ。アジアでは朝鮮戦争は休戦したものの、間もなくベトナム戦争が始まるなど、身近に戦争が感じられる時代だった。

 朝日新聞の世論調査では、安保改定で日本が戦争に巻き込まれるおそれが強くなったとの回答が38%もあった。日本の安全を守る方法として、中立国になることを挙げた人も35%いた。

 A級戦犯だった岸首相の復古的なイメージや強引な政治手法への反感も強かった。占領以来の鬱屈(うっくつ)したナショナリズムが噴出したとの見方もある。

 それから50年、同盟の半世紀は日本社会にとって同盟受容の半世紀でもあった。今や朝日新聞の世論調査では、常に7割以上が日米安保を今後も維持することに賛成している。

 冷戦終結後、アジア太平洋地域の安定装置として再定義された日米同盟の役割はすっかり定着した。核やミサイル開発を続ける北朝鮮の脅威や台頭する中国の存在を前に、安保体制の与える安心感は幅広く共有されているといえるだろう。

 日本が基地を提供し、自衛隊と米軍が役割を分担して日本の防衛にあたる。憲法9条の下、日本の防衛力は抑制的なものにとどめ、日本が海外で武力行使することはない。在日米軍は日本の防衛だけでなく、抑止力としてアジア太平洋地域の安全に役立つ。

 それが変わらぬ日米安保の骨格だ。9条とのセットがもたらす安心感こそ、日米同盟への日本国民の支持の背景にあるのではないか。

 米国の軍事行動に日本はどこまで協力すべきか、おのずと限界がある。国論が二分する中でイラクに自衛隊を派遣したが、もし9条という歯止めがなかったら、その姿は復興支援とは異なるものになっていたかもしれない。

 アジアの近隣諸国にも、「9条つきの日米同盟」であったがゆえに安心され、地域の安定装置として受け入れられるようになった。

 アジアの姿はさらに変わっていく。日米両政府が始めた「同盟深化」の議論では、新しい協力の可能性や役割分担について、日本が主体的に提示する必要がある。米軍基地が集中する沖縄の負担軽減や密約の解明問題も避けて通れない。

 しかし、「9条も安保も」という基本的な枠組みは、国際的にも有用であり続けるだろう。
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