Reinforcing the Japanese-American Alliance

Published in Huanqiu
(Hong Kong) on 27 January 2010
by Wang Shaopu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yang Tian. Edited by Brigid Burt.
The Japanese Overseas Chinese [JNOCNews.jp] recently published an article entitled “The reinforcement of the Japanese-American alliance and its respective relations with China” in its Jan. 26 issue. The article said that globalization, especially in the economic sector, has prompted competition as well as cooperation among nations, resulting in a global climate that is quite different from the black-or-white times of the Cold War. A tendency toward multi-polarization means countries will need to expand their list of important diplomatic relations. As they increase their national interests across the globe, these countries must consider “balancing” their many relations. In such a climate, the reinforcement of the Japanese-American alliance thus has novel characteristics, one of the most significant being its relations with China; the climate calls for further cooperation with China in addition to reinforcement of the alliance itself.

Excerpts from the said article are as follows:

Jan. 19 was the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. Around the 19th, Japanese and U.S. political leaders expressed their wish to “reinforce” the Japanese-American alliance; they hosted speeches, released a joint declaration and held memorial activities and a symposium. But from what they have revealed in the above occasions, the “reinforcement” of the Japanese-American alliance closely concerns relations with China.

First of all, both countries restated the importance of the alliance, partly for the intention of establishing preemption strategies against China.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pointed out that the Japanese-American alliance has been the most successful bilateral partnership in history, and is the “cornerstone” for the stability of the whole Asia-Pacific region. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stressed, in his own words, that “for Japan, which has declared not to acquire nuclear weapons nor to become a military power, the deterrence provided by the U.S. Forces based on the U.S.-Japan security arrangements, together with Japan's Self Defense Forces, serves, and will continue to serve, an essential role in the foreseeable future to maintain Japan's peace and security.”

Mr. Hatoyama also said that “the presence of the U.S. Forces based on the treaty will continue to function as a public good by creating a strong sense of security to the countries in the region,” suggesting that the restatements from both countries were mainly prompted by security concerns.

During the Bush administration, the United States once proposed four security-related “core issues” that it needed to settle: to establish partnerships with other nations in the fight against terrorism and other domestic threats; to protect U.S. national security; to stop the utilization and distribution of weapons of mass destruction; and to impact the choices of countries like China and Russia, who are now at “strategic crossroads.” No signs indicate that the United States has given up these initiatives. Apparently, reinforcement of the Japanese-American alliance involves intentions to establish preemption strategies against China.

Aside from restating the importance of the alliance, officials from both Japan and the United States spoke of seeking more cooperation with China. Mrs. Clinton said that the U.S. would strengthen bilateral ties with China, India and other important nations in the region. In a joint declaration, Japanese Foreign Minister Okada Katsuya and Secretary hoped for a “positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship with China.”

President Barack Obama once said, “America cannot meet the threats of this century alone.” The above reactions to the United States’ alliance with the Japanese exemplify the key judgment his administration has made in this time of economic crisis. America needs to establish more extensive partnerships in security and trade in the Asia-Pacific region, as Asian countries like China gradually rise to power. The Hatoyama Cabinet also needs to recognize the multi-polarization trend in order to have different diplomatic options and to maintain and develop Japanese national interests. Naturally, Japan seeks to balance its relations with China and the United States.

Akihisa Nagashima, Japanese parliamentary secretary of defense, explained the complexity of Japan and the United States’ attitudes toward China quite frankly, “China is not the Soviet Union in the Cold War. While there are areas in which we can block it out, when it comes to trade we have to deal with the Chinese market. It is a predicament.”

We may conclude that globalization has prompted competition and cooperation among nations, which is quite different from the friend-or-foe times of the Cold War. Multi-polarization has expanded the number of important diplomatic partners for every country, as well as varied its national interests. Governments now must seek to “balance” their diplomatic ties. The reinforcement of the Japanese-American alliance thus bears new characteristics. More concern for relations with China is one of them.


日美同盟深化与对华关系走向
中新网1月26日电
《日本新华侨报》26日刊文《日美同盟深化与对华关系走向》说,经济全球化使国家间的关系不再像冷战时期那样敌友分明,而往往是既有竞争又有合作;世界多极化发展则使各国重要外交对象增加,利益趋向多元,各国政府能够也必须考虑外交关系的“平衡”。在此背景下谋求“深化”的日美同盟,带上了新特点,特别在对华关系上,重视日美同盟关系同时,要求加强与中国合作。
文章摘编如下:

  1月19日是《日美安保条约》修订50周年。在此前后,日美政要与相关人员,围绕日美关系与亚太安全等问题,又是发表讲话和共同声明,又是举行纪念活动与讨论会,表达出“深化”日美同盟的愿望。综观其透露的信息,可以看到,日美同盟的“深化”,与对华关系密切相关。

  首先,双方再次肯定了日美同盟的重要性,包含有建立对华战略预防的考虑。

  美国国务卿希拉里指,美国与日本等国的同盟关系是历史上最成功的双边关系,是亚太地区稳定的“基石”。日本首相鸠山则强调:“在可以预见的将来,基于《日美安保条约》的美军威慑力在确保不持有核武器、不做军事大国的我国的和平与安全方面,将和我国自身的防卫力一同继续发挥重大作用。”并认为:“基于《日美安保条约》的美军的存在给本地区各国带来很大的安心,作为一种公共财富今后也将发挥作用”,表示出双方对日美同盟的肯定主要基于安全要求。

  小布什时期,在安全上,美国曾提出4个需解决的“核心问题”:与他国建立伙伴关系,打击恐怖主义及其它国内威胁;保护美国国土安全;阻止大规模杀伤性武器的使用和扩散;影响中、俄这样处在“战略十字路口”国家的选择。没有理由认为美国已放弃了这样的主张。显然,日美同盟的深化包含有建立对华战略预防的考虑。

  其次,在重视日美同盟关系的同时,要求加强与中国的合作。希拉里表示,美国今后将加强与中国、印度等地区重要国家的双边关系。日本外相冈田克也和希拉里等联名发表的共同声明,则希望中国“在国际社会上发挥有责任的建设性作用”。

  本届美国政府是在金融危机时期登场的,上述要求体现了其对形势的重要判断,如奥巴马所说:“美国无法单独应对本世纪存在的种种威胁”。因此,无论在安全上还是经济上,在美国的亚太战略中,中国等亚洲新兴大国的地位都进一步提升,美必然要求建立更加广泛的合作关系。鸠山内阁同样如此,要求顺应多极化趋势,获得更多外交选择余地,以维护与发展日本利益,因而在对美与对华关系上表现出一定程度的平衡意图。

  日本防卫政务官长岛昭久对于中国的评价,相当直白地表达了日美对华态度的两重性:“中国不同于冷战时期的苏联。有的方面可以封锁,但必须作为市场去与之打交道。这是两难选择”。

  上述情况显示,经济全球化,使国家间的关系不再像冷战时期那样敌友分明,而往往是既有竞争又有合作;世界多极化的发展,则使各国重要的外交对象增加,利益趋向多元,各国政府能够也必须考虑外交关系的“平衡”。在此背景下谋求“深化”的日美同盟,带上了新的特点,特别是在对华关系上。(王少普)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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