America’s Withdrawal from Iraq: Time to Face Serious Lessons

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 23 August 2010
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lynn Allmon. Edited by Celeste Hansen.
American President Barack Obama aims for all troops stationed in Iraq to be withdrawn by the end of 2011. The withdrawal of those on combat duty by the end of this month is a midpoint landmark towards that goal. In concert with this objective is the withdrawal of combat forces from the neighboring country of Kuwait.

At the end of this month, American troops will decrease by one third to 50,000. Their main mission will become training the Iraqi security forces.

Already, American forces killed in Iraq exceed 4400, and estimates put Iraqi civilian casualties at over 100,000.

A soldier who left Iraq told a foreign news reporter, "What can we do? Foremost, injure no one else." Was this war just? Although it may be their duty, isn't it also the case that these are complicated thoughts occurring to soldiers as well?

Simultaneously, in a time when repeated acts of terrorism have occurred, people from many countries backed America, who fought back against terrorism. However, the way in which America forcibly overthrew Saddam Hussein's political administration divided the world, made opposition in the Islamic world stronger and diffused terrorism efforts to both inside and outside of Iraq.

What was this war? This is a time when both America, who initiated the war, and Japan, who supported the war, should answer their own profound questions.

Scar of a Preemptive War

Let's look back a little.

There was the question of whether Iraq was concealing weapons of mass destruction. Terrorist organizations had become a huge threat. At the time, President Bush took up arms against Iraq for “justice,” but conclusive evidence was lacking. Yet America, facing down opposing countries such as Germany and France, began its attack, with countries such as Britain and Italy in the Coalition of the Willing. As it was, the Security Council had not yet clearly given approval to the use of military force.

This “preemptive war,” arbitrarily harvesting the “sprouts of threat” beforehand, was inconsistent with the UN Charter, which only approves military force based on Security Council votes and self-defense against an imminent threat.

How could we suggest self-control to America, who went ahead with the "preemptive war"? The international community racked its brains. Before the outbreak of the war, a French diplomat said, “This is not an Iraqi problem. This is America's problem.”

U.S. Secretary of State Powell plainly said to the President that an invasion of Iraq would be “costly” both to the U.S. and the world. He said if the U.S. occupies Iraq, then America must be responsible for both the Iraqis' hopes and problems. Nevertheless, the President moved to start a war. President Bush, who said, "We will rid the world of evildoers," brought the Iraq war to fruition.

At the same time, his action probably stemmed from the impact of terrorist attacks. Using military force to overthrow a government based on ambiguous grounds and sympathy for the Iraqi people, though, has not united international public opinion around "anti-terror" actions. We have not reached an understanding even with these sorts of obvious issues.

Upon examination after the invasion, with no weapons of mass destruction found, doubts about this war have escalated. Since the American “War on Terror” was on a par with overthrowing governments, continuing eradication tactics against former political administration remnants and supportive powers triggered terrorism and strong anti-American sentiments within Iraq. They gave al-Qaida and other extremists a "Great Cause" to carry out a holy war in Iraq, producing a cycle of violence.

Caution Against Reliance on Military Force

Iraq is in disarray even now. After the March election of the National Assembly, there are still sectarian conflicts in the new government administration and the political vacuum continues.

Obama, who criticized the route Bush took, became president and diverted the plan in a big way. Now, he is persuading the United Nations and the international community to aim towards rebuilding Iraq. This is a heavy responsibility for America, who damaged and threw Iraq into disarray with its “preemptive war.”

President Obama said that Afghanistan was a “necessary war” and tripled the number of U.S. troops stationed there. While he overthrew the government connected with al-Qaida, he did not take into consideration the current difficulties concerning the rebuilding of the country and counter-terrorism movements, which are reminiscent of the suffering in Iraq.

One of previous British Foreign Minister Miliband's errors in the “War on Terror” was over-reliance on military power. The expansion of war and its victims does not necessarily increase the number of allies to help prevent terrorism.

Japan supported the Iraq War and sent self-defense forces to Iraqi "non-combat zones." It was a way to support the American ally. How can we explain supporting a war based on unreliable information? “If I'm asked, where are the combat zones and where are the non-combat zones, there is no way for me to know,” said Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's. Wasn't it a mistake to choose to dispatch self-defense forces in such a situation?

Inspecting Japan's Decision-making

For the ruling party, the Iraqi problem is in the background and the North Korean problem comes and goes. The voice, from Liberal Democratic Party leadership, that said “Even though we've got the North Korean problem, I say one thing is missing from Iraq, and can relations with our ally America become bad because of this?” can also be heard. In reality, within the administration, in what ways have the Iraqi and North Korean problems been related?

Prime Minister Naoto Kan, the Democratic Party's representative, pointed out that, in general, dispatching self-defense forces to combat zones in Iraq was an unconstitutional action. Now is the time for the Democratic Party political administration to point out clearly what we should learn from this history.

A country’s decisions with regard to war require intense scrutiny and verification. Otherwise, future administrations will not learn from past errors, especially ones of diplomacy and national security.

At the House of Councillors' investigation meeting, they should deliberate on and review the decision-making at the Diet concerning the Iraq War.


米軍のイラク撤兵―重い教訓に向き合うとき

 米国のオバマ大統領は2011年末までに、イラク駐留米軍の完全撤退をめざす。中間目標は、今月末までの戦闘任務終了だ。この方針に沿い、戦闘部隊が隣国クウェートに撤兵した。

 米軍は今月末、ピーク時の約3分の1の5万人に減り、後を引き継ぐイラク治安部隊の訓練が主な任務となる。

 すでに、イラクでの米軍の死者は4400人を超え、イラクの民間人の死者は10万人以上とも言われる。

 イラクを離れた兵士が外国の従軍記者に答えた。「何がいいかって? 第一に、もう誰も傷つかないこと」。この戦争は正しかったのか。任務とはいえ、兵士たちにも複雑な思いが去来したのではないだろうか。

 同時多発テロが起きた時、多くの国々、人々がテロに立ち向かう米国を後押しした。だが、強引にサダム・フセイン政権打倒に突き進む米国のやり方は世界を分裂させ、イスラム世界の反発も強めることになり、むしろテロはイラク内外に拡散した。

 この戦争は何だったのか。開戦した米国も、戦争を支持した日本も、深く自問自答すべきときだ。

■「予防戦争」の深い傷

 少し振り返ってみよう。

 イラクが大量破壊兵器を隠し持っている疑いがある。テロ組織に渡ると大きな脅威になる。それが、時のブッシュ米大統領が戦端を開く「大義」だったが、決定的な証拠を欠いていた。それでも、独仏などの反対を押し切り、英伊などとの有志連合で攻撃を始めた。武力行使を明確に容認する国連安保理決議はないままだった。

 脅威の芽を独断的に先に摘みとる「予防戦争」は、差し迫った脅威への自衛と国連安保理決議に基づく武力行使しか認めない国連憲章に反する。

 「予防戦争」へと進む米国にどう自制を促すか。国際社会は腐心した。仏外交官は開戦前に語っていた。「これはイラク問題ではなく米国問題だ」

 米国務長官だったパウエル氏は大統領に、イラク侵攻は米国にも世界にも「高くつく」と直言したという。占領すればイラク国民の希望も問題も、すべて引き受けなければならない、と。それでも大統領は開戦に動いた。「あらゆる手段でテロを根絶する」というブッシュ流を持ち込んだ戦争、それがイラク戦争であった。

 同時多発テロの衝撃に突き動かされたのだろう。だが、いくら米国の意に沿わない国でも、あいまいな根拠に基づいて武力行使で政権転覆するやり方では、イラクの人心も国際世論も「対テロ」での結束は困難だ。そんな自明のことにさえ理解が及ばなかった。

 侵攻後に調べてみると大量破壊兵器などなく、戦争への疑問はさらに拡大した。米国が政権打倒を「対テロ戦争」と同一視し、旧政権の残党や支持勢力の根絶作戦を続けたことはイラク内で強い反米意識とテロを誘発した。アルカイダなど過激派にイラクでの聖戦実施という「大義」を与え、暴力の連鎖をまねく事態ともなった。

■軍事力過信への戒め

 イラクは今も混乱の中にある。3月の国民議会選挙後も宗派対立などで新政権ができず、政治空白が続く。

 ブッシュ路線を批判してきたオバマ氏が大統領となった米国は大きく方針を転換した。今は、国連や国際社会を説得してイラク再建を目指している。それは、「予防戦争」でイラクを壊し乱した米国の、国家としての重い責任でもある。

 そのオバマ大統領が、アフガニスタンについては「必要な戦争」と呼び、就任後、駐留米軍を3倍に増やした。だが、アルカイダとつながった政権を打倒しても人心をつかめず、国の復興・再建やテロ対策が難航している現状は、イラクでの苦悩を想起させる。

 英国のミリバンド前外相は、「対テロ戦争」の過ちのひとつに軍事力への過信をあげる。戦火と犠牲者の拡大は、テロを防ぐ味方を必ずしも増やせない。この教訓を米国はアフガニスタンでも強く認識しておいて欲しい。

 日本はイラク戦争を支持し、イラクの「非戦闘地域」に自衛隊を派遣した。同盟国・米国に寄り添う動きだった。不確かな情報に基づく戦争を支持したことをどう総括するのか。「どこが戦闘地域で、どこが非戦闘地域か、いまこの私に聞かれたって、わかるわけない」(小泉純一郎首相の国会答弁)といった状態での自衛隊派遣は、誤った選択ではなかったのか。

■日本の意思決定検証を

 与党・政府内では、イラク問題の背後で北朝鮮問題が見え隠れした。「北朝鮮問題があるのに、(イラクから)いち抜けたと言って日米同盟が悪くなっていいのか」(自民党幹部)との声も聞こえた。実際のところ、政権の中でイラクと北朝鮮の問題をどのように関連づけていたのか。

 菅直人首相は、民主党代表として、大半が戦闘地域のイラクへの自衛隊派遣は違憲状態だと指摘していた。民主党政権はこの歴史から何を学びとるのか、今こそ明確に示す必要がある。

 戦争に関する国家の意思、判断は、厳しい検証を受けなければならない。さもなくば、今後の国家運営、とりわけ外交と安全保障政策に何の教訓も残さないことになる。

 参議院の調査会で集中的に審議するなど、国会でイラク戦争をめぐる意思決定の検証作業をすべきである。
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