Yi Tengang: Sino-American-Japanese Relations Are At a Turning Point

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 14 October 2010
by Yi Tengang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jason Nordmark. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
Without the influence of the United States, Asia's stability and flourishing development would be unimaginable. America's influence does not only depend on the overwhelming superiority of its national power, but has also originated structurally from poor relations between China, the U.S. and Japan.

America has always differentiated its policy formulation towards China and Japan but has consistently not attached importance to the concept of “East Asia.” It can be said; no matter if America is deliberately doing so, that a sense of distance between China and Japan has always existed at the structural level.

In Asia, America's strategy to preserve superiority is to seek every type of reason to separate the Asian region. Asian countries have had antagonistic ideologies and “historical” problems from time to time that cause antagonism. America has always deliberately bypassed these issues to intervene in Asian affairs. Now, the cold war has already ended but the communist system remains. Past historical problems are also hampering Asian cooperation in development. In the past, the phrase "cold politics, hot economy" was popular. The level of economic cooperation certainly has risen, but economic relations have not developed to the extent of leading to political cooperation.

The trends of “unification,” “integration” and “summit meeting organization” have emerged in East Asia, which are in the process of transforming the status quo of the region. As such, America continuously has misgivings toward the proposition that East Asia become an “integrated community.” By becoming an “integrated community,” it can shake off the superiority in the region America has maintained until now. Opposition in the Sino-Japanese bilateral relationship is maintained to a certain extent and the Korean Peninsula crisis still exists. These factors inevitably cause people to conclude that America must maintain its presence in Asia for a while longer.

In addition, there is still significant evidence that America is allying with Japan to enlarge their geographical range of influence. Corresponding to China's “ASEAN + China, Japan and Korea,” Japan is attempting to build an “ASEAN + China, Japan and Korea + India, Australia and New Zealand” structure. Japan’s proposal has brought countries with similar interests as America into a “community,” thus the U.S. is also actively striving to increase membership of this organization.

Moreover, America is starting to put effort into giving APEC and similar organizations a new shine and vitality. These organizations were given importance during the early stages of President Clinton's administration but afterwards were overshadowed. In other words, America thinks that as long as the Asian community preserves a structure without substance and maintains the status quo with a mere skeleton frame and only exist to hold meetings for participants at fixed intervals, America's interests can stand firm.

Though the Obama administration has indicated it values relations with Japan, in the wake of China's growing great power status, high level Sino-American meetings to discuss tremendous changes taking place and positive discussions between the two sides about global problems such as climate change, the energy and trade disequilibrium and other problems. Of course, when President Obama is talking about China, he will still directly or indirectly refer to China’s human rights and ethnic minority issues, which, as before, are left out of the Chinese media. Clearly, in terms of differences in the political system and political values, China and America are still unable to bridge this gap.

It has been 30 years since China's reforms and opening to the outside world, but Sino-Japanese-American trilateral relations are now in a state of great transition. This year, China's GDP is about to surpass Japan's. China's foreign exchange reserves and holdings of American Treasury bonds exceed Japan's. Previously, Sino-Japanese relations gave people the impression of “Moneybags Japan” and “Developing China” in a kind of “brotherly relation,” yet the great changes occurring now will turn the relationship into one of reciprocity. In short, the flying geese paradigm in East Asia has already died a natural death. Japan’s role as the pacesetter of East Asia in economic development has already vanished into the distance.


伊藤刚:中美日三角关系处于大转折期

2010-10-15 09:37 中国网 我要评论 分享
字号:T|T
  如果没有美国的影响力,亚洲的稳定和繁荣是难以想像的,而美国的影响力不仅依靠其占压倒性优势的国力,也向来源自日中关系不佳这种结构性因素。


  美国一直分别制定对华和对日政策,一向不重视“东亚”这一地区概念。可以说,不论美国是否刻意,在美国的政策当中,日中之间的距离感在结构层面上一直存在。


  在亚洲,美国维持优势的战略是,寻找各种理由割裂亚洲地区。亚洲本来就时而发生“意识形态”的对立,时而出现“历史”认识问题的对立,而美国则向来刻意通过引起这些对立,为自己介入亚洲事务提供依据。现在,冷战已经终结,但是共产主义体制残留,过去的历史问题也妨碍着亚洲国家开展合作。从前一段时期流行的“政冷经热”这个词,不难发现尽管亚洲地区的区内贸易比例确实有所上升,但经济关系还未发展到使得政治上开展合作的程度。


  东亚出现了“统一”、“共同体”和“峰会”动向,并正在改变亚太地区的现状。正因为如此,美国一直对建议东亚融为一体的“共同体”构想心存疑虑。亚洲以“共同体”形式融为一体,极易动摇美国迄今为止在亚洲保持的优势。日中两国在一定程度上保持对立,朝鲜半岛危机依旧,这些因素必然会使得人们意识到:美国必须留在亚洲。


  此外,还有一个具有代表性意义的事例是,美国正联合日本努力扩大亚洲的地理范围。同中国的“东盟+中日韩”相对,日本正试图构筑“东盟+中日韩+印澳新”体系。日本的构想意味着使同美国利害认识一致的国家加入“共同体”,因此美国也正刻意谋求该组织成员的增加。


  另外,美国还开始着力使亚太经合组织(APEC)之类的机构重新焕发活力,而这些机构在克林顿政府初期受到过重视后,一直处于黯然失色状态。也就是说,美国认为只要亚洲共同体维持无具体内容的“空架子”状态不变,即只为加盟国提供定期举行讨论的平台,美国的利益依然能岿然不动。


  尽管奥巴马政府表示也重视对日关系,但随着中国的大国地位蒸蒸日上,美中首脑会晤的商讨内容发生了巨变,美中之间开始积极商讨全球性课题,比如在气候变化、能源和贸易不平衡等问题上开展合作。当然,奥巴马总统在讲到中国时,仍会直接或间接提及人权和少数民族问题,这些言论也依然被中国媒体部分删除。显而易见,在围绕政治体制和价值观的问题上,中美之间的分歧仍旧无法弥合。



  中国的改革开放已经30余年,日美中三国关系正处于大转折期。中国今年的GDP即将超越日本。中国的外汇储备和美国国债持有量远远超过了日本。以前中日关系给人以“富翁日本”和“发展中的中国”这种“兄弟关系”的印象,而现在正转变为对等关系。简而言之,就是“雁阵模式”已寿终正寝。日本作为亚洲排头兵引领地区经济发展的时代早已远去。(作者是明治大学政治经济学系教授。日本《经济学人》周刊10月5日一期文章,原题:日本要展开看清美中关系的亚洲外交)
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