America’s Best Silverware for China

Published in Gandul
(Romania) on 20 January 2011
by Bogdan Munteanu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Andreea Muntean. Edited by Sam Carter.
Until recently, besides the fact that it had four times the area and population of the United States, China didn’t bring much to the table. Not enough to earn itself the title of “The World’s Second Superpower.” Most of this year’s statistics concerning the progress made are also showing no major shift from the giant that the U.S. is considered to be today.

However, thanks to the “Chinese drop” efforts, China seems to have been clearly signed up after America and can undoubtedly crave for the empty seat that the USSR left upon its fall during 1989 to 1991. Nobody can steal China’s title of second best — not the former superpowers, such as Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia and Japan, and surely not the up-and-coming India or Brazil.

Despite the fact that it had a GDP of $5.88 trillion in 2010, compared to the U.S.’ $14.25 trillion, and that it spent 6.7 times less money on defense than the U.S., China could definitely be a challenge for America, in more ways than one.

During the time when George W. Bush was only able to offer Hu Jintao an embarrassing lunch during his visit in April 2006, China was still among the four or five countries right behind the United States. Now that Obama has invited the same Hu for dinner, this time with silverware and over 200 renowned guests, China is sitting in a position where it could only be offered “a healthy competition, promoting innovation and competitiveness on both sides.”

That is to say the American companies should have the same freedom on the Chinese market that the Chinese companies have on American ones. Secondly, Obama’s call for respecting international norms can be read as a recommendation for the Chinese geniuses to stop buying American innovations – even though some might belong to Chinese-born U.S. citizens in American universities – and stop taking them apart and putting them back together, with lower quality and less money.

One of the few things that Beijing cannot get its hands on – for now at least – are the top notch military technologies, which neither the Russians nor the Europeans are letting out because of Washington’s pressure to maintain an embargo on their weapons exports. Even so, whether it will be the Europeans who give in or the Chinese who make their own leap of progress, China’s arming as a worthy superpower is just a matter of time. By no means is that to say that the U.S.’ main creditor is declaring war. Even if that were the case, a possible war would most likely be in favor of China, which could easily take the shirt of the U.S.’ back. Nonetheless, Washington still keeps its money-printing press handy, meaning it would not be completely vulnerable.

However, a total economic war seems to be unlikely, if we were to judge by the Mutual Assured Destruction doctrine, which was used during the Cold War to keep the enemy at bay, even though each side possessed a nuclear arsenal able to destroy the entire planet.

Nonetheless, should the two states come to realize that the gods called “economic progress” and “consumption” – which form the foundation of both the American dream and the Chinese Five-Year Plan – are alienating their fans, we may very well be on the verge of a global catastrophe, making the crisis of 2008 a simple preview of what is to come.


Până recent, în afara populaţiei de patru ori mai mare şi de suprafaţa geografică aproape egală, China nu aducea mare lucru în comparaţie cu SUA, pentru a-i fi recunoscut statutul de a doua supraputere a lumii. Nici în 2011, statisticile nu arată un salt spectaculos faţă de poziţia de "uriaş" a SUA în cele mai multe dintre clasamentele privind "progrese" idolatrizate de omenirea de azi.
Totuşi, graţie eforturilor de genul "picătură chinezească", China se arată înscrisă definitiv pe culoarul imediat următor după America şi poate râvni la locul lăsat gol de prăbuşirea URSS în 1989-1991. Nimeni nu-i mai poate "sufla" locul doi, nici dintre fostele mari puteri ale veacului trecut (Marea Britanie, Franţa, Germania, Rusia, Japonia), nici dintre cele "emergente" (India, Brazilia).
Deşi a avut un PIB de 5,88 trilioane (mii de miliarde) USD în 2010, faţă de cele 14,25 trilioane ale SUA şi nu a putut cheltui pentru apărare decât o sumă de 6,7 ori mai mică decât cele 663 miliarde USD alocate de Washington în 2009, China poate lansa "provocări" Americii în orice domeniu.
Atunci când George W. Bush nu i-a oferit omologului chinez Hu Jintao decât un "jignitor" prânz de lucru într-o vizită de stat (aprilie 2006), China mai era încă în "plutonul" celor 4-5 "urmăritori" ai SUA. Acum, când Obama l-a invitat pe acelaşi Hu la o cină cu tacâmuri aurite, cu peste 200 de invitaţi de marcă, China ocupă locul de unde Obama nu-i putea propune altceva decât "o competiţie sănătoasă, care îndeamnă ambele ţări să inoveze şi să devină mai competitive".
Adică, firmele americane să fie lăsate pe piaţa chineză tot aşa cum cele chineze pot vinde orice şi oricât în SUA. În subsidiar, din apelul lui Obama la respectarea normelor internaţionale se poate înţelege şi că ar fi bine ca ingenioşii chinezi să nu mai cumpere inovaţii americane - poate create tot de cetăţeni SUA de origine chineză, din universităţi americane - pe care să le dezasambleze şi să le refacă, poate nu mai bine, dar sigur cu costuri de producţie mai mici.
Singurele lucruri pe care Beijingul încă nu le poate copia sunt tehnologiile de vârf militare, pe care nici ruşii nu li le dau, nici europenii - constrânşi de Washington să menţină un embargo asupra exporturilor de arme. Însă, fie că europenii vor ceda, fie că chinezii vor face ei înşişi salturile tehnologice necesare, înarmarea Chinei potrivit rangului de supraputere este doar o chestiune de timp. Ceea ce nu înseamnă că Beijingul (în calitate de principal creditor al SUA) "vrea război". Acesta ar fi, teoretic, mult mai convenabil SUA - datornicul care ar putea ajunge să nu mai aibă pe unde scoate cămaşa. Totuşi, Washingtonul are la îndemână şi tiparniţa de bani, astfel că nu este complet vulnerabil.
Războiul economic "total" este exclus, la fel cum, prin doctrina "Distrugerii mutuale asigurate", rivalii din Războiul Rece se ţineau în şah, având arsenale nucleare suficiente pentru a distruge întreaga planetă.
Nu sunt excluse alte catastrofe economice mondiale dacă cele două state nu realizează că idolii "creştere economică" sau "consum", pe care se bazează atât "visul american", cât şi "cincinalele" chineze, sunt gata să-şi sfâşie "fanii". Criza din 2008 a fost o simplă "arătare a colţilor".
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