Who Hijacked Democracy?

Published in Sin Chew
(Malaysia ) on 18 February 2011
by Lee Ai Ru (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by NG AI FERN . Edited by Gheanna Emelia.
What does the fighting for democracy in the Middle East and North Africa have to do with the United States? Why is the U.S. the one who was a victim of cynical criticism?

It all started from the shocking "Jasmine Revolution" incident last month. Washington is monitoring the development of the current situation closely, but they changed their positions as the situation progressed. Even though Washington has repeatedly stressed that the U.S.’s position has been the same, the outside world thinks otherwise.

From the beginning, the U.S. supported Mubarak and called him a reliable ally. Later, the U.S. asked Mubarak to quickly recognize the power transition, but agreed that he should remain in office until presidential elections in September. Next, the U.S. strongly expressed that Mubarak should step down immediately. The way the Obama administration avoided to call Mubarak to step down directly at the very beginning shows that the U.S. was unable to make a choice: to stabilize an ally, or support democracy?

It seems ironic, but more irony is yet to come. The wave of anti-government protests continues: the U.S.’s rival, Iran, and ally Bahrain, are the next countries. And the U.S. has demonstrated two distinctive attitudes towards these two nations, which clearly reveal its double identity — advocating Iranians to pursue freedom, but merely calling to restrain military crackdown on demonstrators in Bahrain.

The U.S. is protecting its allies, even though they know their allies have problems. The so-called ally is, indeed, a colonial practice in a new era. The purpose of shielding allies and colonies are the same: for their own interest.

The U.S. wanted to stabilize its allies despite many accusations, in fact, that it is purely for their own interest. By losing Mubarak and the King of Bahrain, the U.S., with too many enemies in the Muslim world, would be unable to befriend Egypt’s and Bahrain’s new government.

The U.S. has obviously failed. Clearly, the U.S. is not that powerful in suppressing democratic development. Some say that Mubarak sustained power until now all because of the U.S.’s support. However, the Myanmar military government, which is not supported by the U.S. and has faced sanctions, is still intact.

Achieving democracy depends on the people themselves. Outsiders cannot help much and cannot stop anything. A few people in a large country cannot do much, but when the majority of people are aware of democracy, the collective strength is therefore powerful and beyond imagination.


中東及北非的民主抗爭,跟美國有甚麼關係?為何美國會受盡冷嘲熱諷?
事情得從上個月的突尼西亞“茉莉花革命”震蕩說起。華盛頓密切關注時勢推演,但口徑與風向卻一變再變,雖然華盛頓一再強調美國立場一貫,但外界看來卻不是那麼一回事。
從一開始力挺穆巴拉克,稱他是可靠盟友,到後來要求他迅速實現政權過渡,但仍默認他留任直到9月份總統選舉,再到“明示”他必須立刻下台……奧巴馬政府初時一直避免直言呼吁穆巴拉克下台的隱諱姿態,突顯美國不能言宣的抉擇:穩住盟友?還是支持“民主”?
看來很諷刺,更諷刺的還在後頭。反政府示威風潮持續狂燒,美國死敵伊朗與盟友巴林先後搭上這班車,而美國對這兩國示威潮所展現的截然不同的態度,更凸顯了美國的兩面人身份――一方面鼓吹伊朗民眾追求自由,另一方面巴林武力鎮壓示威者,華府卻只呼吁克制
美國包庇明知有問題的盟友,而所謂的盟友,不過是新時代的殖民手法。包庇盟友與殖民的目的也一樣:滿足己需。
美國這次甘受千夫指也要穩住盟友,其實也是有自知之明――失去了穆巴拉克與巴林國王,在回教世界樹敵太多的美國,實在沒有把握再拉攏埃及與巴林新政府。
美國固然做得不漂亮,但若說要壓制一國民主進程,美國卻還不至於如此。有說穆巴拉克能撐到現在,都是因為美國的支持。但不獲美國支持,反之還被施加制裁的緬甸軍政府,不也一樣走到如今?
要實現民主,得靠人民自己,外人幫不上忙,也阻止不了。一個大國的零星人權覺醒,只會形成個別的人生悲劇;但集體的民主覺醒,力量之大,則無從預估。
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