How Should China and the U.S. Discuss Security Strategies?

The Sino-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) is something both countries have to deal with; however, with regards to people who are filled with uncertainty, one always hopes to receive news or hope from the dialogues between these two superpowers. China and the United States also hope that these mechanized dialogues would have more meaning and be full of vigor. Thus, during this round of the S&ED, discussion of security strategies was incorporated for the first time. China’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Cui Tiankai, was very frank about China and the U.S. discussing security strategies for the first time.

Or rather it should be said that it is the first time during the luxurious discussion lineup of the Sino-U.S. dialogues that highest ranking military officers did not attend. China sent the People’s Liberation Army’s Deputy Chief of Staff, General Ma Xiaotian; however, the United States sent U.S. Pacific Command Commander Admiral Robert Willard. (Note: This was the first time an officer from China attended; this is not the case for the United States) This means that the first security strategy dialogue was only symbolic in meaning. However, if one analyzes the mechanized formation of the Sino-U.S. S&ED, it cannot be ignored that future China-U.S. securities strategy dialogues will become more important, topics will be clearer and may even become as important as strategy and economics.

In September 2005, former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick interpreted Sino-U.S. relations to be like “stakeholders” — this is also recognized by China’s politicians and media as the expression of the evaluation of Sino-U.S. relations. Many believe that Sino-U.S. economic relations are closely fused together; there are some parts linked together that prevent Sino-U.S. relations from deviating from the normal direction. There is some truth to this; however, last year’s U.S. return to Asia Strategy provoked confrontations between Chinese and U.S. troops in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The excitation on the Korean Peninsula caused dangerous interactions between China and North Korea and the United States and South Korea. China and Japan’s boat collision added to the dispute over sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands, which caused a showdown between China, the United States and Japan. Military conflicts between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region are not only potential, but carry the danger of reaching the brink of war at any time.

China and the United States openly holding security strategy discussions is not only keeping up with the times, but is quite imperative. Therefore, sensitive observers will believe that the hot topic of this round of S&ED was the security strategy discussions. The former White House National Security Council Director for Asian Affairs, Jeffrey Bedford, currently a scholar at the China Center’s Brookings Institution, believes that Sino-U.S. security talks are below the level of “U.S.-Soviet” talks. The key is how China and the United States discuss these issues.

First, identify the point of intersection to be able to have fruitful discussions as opposed to being at opposite poles with both sides trying to say what they want to say. The U.S. points of interest include missile defense, strategic weapons, Internet safety and space. China’s points of interest are Internet safety and maritime affairs, which include America claiming to be doing reconnaissance activities in exclusive economic zones. Under these circumstances, Internet safety could be a point of intersection for both countries; from here they can engage in deep discussions.

Additionally, China and the U.S. also have plenty to discuss on the topic of missile defense and space. However, due to the great difference between China and the U.S.’s military strength and the U.S.’s feelings on China’s rigid geo-spatial constraints, it will take a long time before China and the United States find a safe discussion point.

Secondly, global hot issues like North Korea and Iran going nuclear, the war on terror, the Middle East and North Africa offer broad cooperation opportunities for China and the United States; these should be the main points of the bilateral dialogue.

Thirdly, are the bilateral discussions regarding cooperation on the war on terror “after the bin Laden era.” After bin Laden died, the global community was full of discussion regarding the direction of Sino-U.S. relations. China and the United States ought to clearly tell the international community that there is still a long way to go on the road of Sino-U.S. cooperation on the war on terror and it should be mutually cooperative.