The Audacity of Belief
Published in El Tiempo
(Colombia) on 23 May 2011
by Sergio Muñoz Bata (link to original)
If Obama wants to convince us that his differences with his predecessor are many, he must prove it by risking a part of his political capital for the benefit of Hispanic youth. It would be just an advance payment of the huge debt that Obama has with Hispanics.
Just like when George W. Bush was in office, Barack Obama has spent years proclaiming his intention to comprehensively reform the disastrous national immigration system and failing in his efforts because the Republicans in Congress and sounding boards in the right-wing media are opposed to reform.
Like Bush, Obama has spent millions of dollars in resources to strengthen the southern border, but, unlike Bush, in the last two years the number of people who have been deported in the name of national security has been staggering and, in many cases, unjustified.
In an attempt to alleviate the situation, several immigrant-rights organizations have called on President Obama to order the suspension of the program called Secure Communities, which, while it has been used to deport thousands of criminals, has had an indiscriminate application that has led to mass deportation of undocumented people who were not criminals and has created panic in the Latino community. They also requested that, using his presidential powers, he protect from possible deportation young people who, far from being criminals, are enrolled or have completed a university education the United States and could benefit from the DREAM Act, which was recently reintroduced in Congress.
So far, Obama has refused to enforce the massive relief option "presumably because his advisers have pointed out that this option is fraught with risks because, among other things, critics could accuse him of trying to bypass the Congress by declaring a partial amnesty," says Doris Meissner, who was Commissioner of Immigration under President Bill Clinton.
However, according to attorney Thomas Saenz, president of MALDEF, an immigrant advocacy organization, "in addition to the option of massive administrative relief for young people who would benefit from the Dream Act, the president has another option: to order the development and distribution of new guides in the process of deferred action on a case by case basis, ensuring that young people who could benefit from the Dream Act are openly protected."
From my perspective, and taking into account that any of the options involves political risk, Obama has no choice but to take the bull by the horns and act decisively in favor of immigrants.
First, because it’s what is right, and Obama should never forget that, by conviction, the president belongs to that group of Americans who believe that tolerance, compassion and generosity are defining values of the country.
But there is also another compelling reason for Obama to take firm action. If in the end decisions are measured in terms of their political risks, he should be reminded of the risk that was involved in leading the fight for health reform.
It was also risky to suggest that peace in the Middle East requires territorial negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian people on the eve of the meeting at the White House with the Israeli prime minister.
In the 2008 election, Hispanics, like Jews, voted overwhelmingly for Obama: 67 percent of Hispanics and 78 percent of Jews. Moreover, Obama knows that with the 2012 election in sight, it is essential to have financial support from the Jewish community; despite this, the president's voice didn’t tremble when he told Benjamin Netanyahu what neither he nor many other Jews wanted hear.
To demand that the president risk a little political capital to benefit Hispanic youth is not much to ask. It would be just an advance payment of the huge debt that Obama has with Hispanics.
Just like when George W. Bush was in office, Barack Obama has spent years proclaiming his intention to comprehensively reform the disastrous national immigration system and failing in his efforts because the Republicans in Congress and sounding boards in the right-wing media are opposed to reform.
Like Bush, Obama has spent millions of dollars in resources to strengthen the southern border, but, unlike Bush, in the last two years the number of people who have been deported in the name of national security has been staggering and, in many cases, unjustified.
In an attempt to alleviate the situation, several immigrant-rights organizations have called on President Obama to order the suspension of the program called Secure Communities, which, while it has been used to deport thousands of criminals, has had an indiscriminate application that has led to mass deportation of undocumented people who were not criminals and has created panic in the Latino community. They also requested that, using his presidential powers, he protect from possible deportation young people who, far from being criminals, are enrolled or have completed a university education the United States and could benefit from the DREAM Act, which was recently reintroduced in Congress.
So far, Obama has refused to enforce the massive relief option "presumably because his advisers have pointed out that this option is fraught with risks because, among other things, critics could accuse him of trying to bypass the Congress by declaring a partial amnesty," says Doris Meissner, who was Commissioner of Immigration under President Bill Clinton.
However, according to attorney Thomas Saenz, president of MALDEF, an immigrant advocacy organization, "in addition to the option of massive administrative relief for young people who would benefit from the Dream Act, the president has another option: to order the development and distribution of new guides in the process of deferred action on a case by case basis, ensuring that young people who could benefit from the Dream Act are openly protected."
From my perspective, and taking into account that any of the options involves political risk, Obama has no choice but to take the bull by the horns and act decisively in favor of immigrants.
First, because it’s what is right, and Obama should never forget that, by conviction, the president belongs to that group of Americans who believe that tolerance, compassion and generosity are defining values of the country.
But there is also another compelling reason for Obama to take firm action. If in the end decisions are measured in terms of their political risks, he should be reminded of the risk that was involved in leading the fight for health reform.
It was also risky to suggest that peace in the Middle East requires territorial negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian people on the eve of the meeting at the White House with the Israeli prime minister.
In the 2008 election, Hispanics, like Jews, voted overwhelmingly for Obama: 67 percent of Hispanics and 78 percent of Jews. Moreover, Obama knows that with the 2012 election in sight, it is essential to have financial support from the Jewish community; despite this, the president's voice didn’t tremble when he told Benjamin Netanyahu what neither he nor many other Jews wanted hear.
To demand that the president risk a little political capital to benefit Hispanic youth is not much to ask. It would be just an advance payment of the huge debt that Obama has with Hispanics.