The US and the Anti-Europe Resentment Trend
Published in
() on 4 January 2012
by Gianni Riotta (link to original)
If the news’ readers were horrified by the unfair comment Republican candidate Mitt Romney made in an interview by Paolo Mastrolilli where he said the United States “will not give a dollar to save Europe,” they can console themselves thinking that in the Iowa caucuses — the agricultural fair of political exaggerations — they’ve heard worse things. Nowadays, caucuses consist of quiet assemblies of citizens who choose a candidate running for the White House. They used to refer to Iowan and Algonquin Indians as “wise warriors.” Another etymology traces back to a cup used for toasts in the old Caucus Club of Boston. In any case, Romney, who’s a Mormon, neither had a drink nor expressed views by the tribal chief that Monday.
He was looking at the populism that animates many voters of the Republican right and which Ronald Reagan was acutely keeping at bay while admonishing people to “appeal to the good instincts of the citizens, not the bad ones.” In today’s American presidential campaign, to be European is outdated, just as preaching the virtues of American capitalism in Rome, Paris or Athens is. I spend my life between the United States and Europe and I remember that, in his tests for admission to college, my son had written, “I spend my time defending Europe in America and America in Europe.”
It is a noble effort but it is counter-current. If you think Romney’s slogan was exaggerated, you should read yesterday's editorial in the Wall Street Journal by Bret Stephens (bstephens@wsj.com) reassuring readers by saying that if Obama is re-elected, the stars of the Old Glory American flag (the name was coined by Captain Driver in the 19th century) will turn into gold upon the blue European banner. Stephens predicts Obama in his second term would be the administrator of the European decline, in terms of expenses and debts, trade unions, welfare states, failing companies — in a nutshell, what constitutes the “social democracy,” which he obviously does not mention out of compliment.
The fact is that the classical European welfare state is disappearing everywhere; the market-state model, the “Rhine” capitalism, the social democracy, the business-work agreement, the secure working conditions from the first contract until retirement, have now become a good memory of the 20th century and remain a mystery to Republicans who make it a taboo against Obama. Instead of reflecting upon the Wall Street crisis in 2007-2008 and on the impossibility of sustaining the European welfare model in the global economy, the U.S. and Europe indulge in a competition of slogans to dupe voters. Therefore, brace yourself for Sarkozy and Merkel’s electoral campaigns.
As governor of Massachusetts during the years 2003-2007, Romney ran a state which is perhaps the most "European" one in the U.S., including in terms of its health care system.
He is a competent man and, at least compared to his overexcited rivals, he is moderate and fully aware that the end of the euro would drag America into a somber recession. While Stephens wants to play tough and seeks visibility, Romney does so by hunting for votes. Later he will be smiling at Brussels summits.
Like two fallen heroes, Europe and America will continue to compete on their own past genealogical tree while China, India and Brazil move forward. However, their economies, banks, industries, financial systems and consumption are like Siamese twins. Even this phase of resentment will pass. In the meantime, the reader should remain hopeful and remember that even if many feel nostalgic of the Marshall Plan, which spent $13 million ($12 million given before 1948) to save Europe from starvation, it was neither an easy nor a popular gesture. President Truman and Secretary of State Marshall elaborated and defended that plan. The Republican right, then led by Taft, was attacking it every day in Congress, describing it like his nephews now do in Iowa, as a socialist collapse. For instance, Occupy Wall Street is ahead of its time; the extreme left of former vice president Wallace was boycotting the plan and said, “the Martial Plan will bring us to war.”*
Let’s hope that, as it was the case at the time, the populist trombones make a lot of noise but little damage.
*Editor’s Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.
He was looking at the populism that animates many voters of the Republican right and which Ronald Reagan was acutely keeping at bay while admonishing people to “appeal to the good instincts of the citizens, not the bad ones.” In today’s American presidential campaign, to be European is outdated, just as preaching the virtues of American capitalism in Rome, Paris or Athens is. I spend my life between the United States and Europe and I remember that, in his tests for admission to college, my son had written, “I spend my time defending Europe in America and America in Europe.”
It is a noble effort but it is counter-current. If you think Romney’s slogan was exaggerated, you should read yesterday's editorial in the Wall Street Journal by Bret Stephens (bstephens@wsj.com) reassuring readers by saying that if Obama is re-elected, the stars of the Old Glory American flag (the name was coined by Captain Driver in the 19th century) will turn into gold upon the blue European banner. Stephens predicts Obama in his second term would be the administrator of the European decline, in terms of expenses and debts, trade unions, welfare states, failing companies — in a nutshell, what constitutes the “social democracy,” which he obviously does not mention out of compliment.
The fact is that the classical European welfare state is disappearing everywhere; the market-state model, the “Rhine” capitalism, the social democracy, the business-work agreement, the secure working conditions from the first contract until retirement, have now become a good memory of the 20th century and remain a mystery to Republicans who make it a taboo against Obama. Instead of reflecting upon the Wall Street crisis in 2007-2008 and on the impossibility of sustaining the European welfare model in the global economy, the U.S. and Europe indulge in a competition of slogans to dupe voters. Therefore, brace yourself for Sarkozy and Merkel’s electoral campaigns.
As governor of Massachusetts during the years 2003-2007, Romney ran a state which is perhaps the most "European" one in the U.S., including in terms of its health care system.
He is a competent man and, at least compared to his overexcited rivals, he is moderate and fully aware that the end of the euro would drag America into a somber recession. While Stephens wants to play tough and seeks visibility, Romney does so by hunting for votes. Later he will be smiling at Brussels summits.
Like two fallen heroes, Europe and America will continue to compete on their own past genealogical tree while China, India and Brazil move forward. However, their economies, banks, industries, financial systems and consumption are like Siamese twins. Even this phase of resentment will pass. In the meantime, the reader should remain hopeful and remember that even if many feel nostalgic of the Marshall Plan, which spent $13 million ($12 million given before 1948) to save Europe from starvation, it was neither an easy nor a popular gesture. President Truman and Secretary of State Marshall elaborated and defended that plan. The Republican right, then led by Taft, was attacking it every day in Congress, describing it like his nephews now do in Iowa, as a socialist collapse. For instance, Occupy Wall Street is ahead of its time; the extreme left of former vice president Wallace was boycotting the plan and said, “the Martial Plan will bring us to war.”*
Let’s hope that, as it was the case at the time, the populist trombones make a lot of noise but little damage.
*Editor’s Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.