The religious crusades in the foreground of the Republican electoral campaign during the latest televised debate for the Tuesday primaries in Arizona and Michigan saw Rick Santorum accusing Obama of trying to “secularize” American society. Santorum went so far as to evoke the influence of the “devil” in American society, and Romney defined a recent measure on contraception as “the greatest assault on religion in the history of the United States.”
But Santorum is more than just a religious crusader: He represents a real challenge to Obama on winning the working class. The ascent of the Italian-American and Romney’s struggles are forcing the presidential camp to rework their election strategy. Santorum gets a part of his constituents from blue-collar workers, the phenomenon of the “Reagan Democrats.” He’s an extremist on abortion, gay rights and all things moral or religious, but he has a strong appeal in industrial Midwestern states because he knows how to make his own working-class roots resonate with blue-collar voters. Romney, on the other hand, can claim no such background. He grew up in Michigan, but was the son of a chief auto executive who also happened to be governor of the state.
La crociata della fede in primo piano nella campagna elettorale repubblicana all’ultimo dibattito tv prima delle primarie di martedì in Arizona e Michigan, con Rick Santorum che accusa Obama di voler imporre una “secolarizzazione” della società americana. Santorum evoca perfino l’influenza del “demonio” nella società americana. E Romney ha definito una recente misura sulla contraccezione come “il più grave attacco alla religione nella storia degli Stati Uniti”.
Ma Santorum è anche qualcos’altro: una sfida “operaia” per Obama. L’ascesa dell’italo-americano e le difficoltà di Romney costringono la squadra del presidente a ripensare la strategia elettorale. Santorum pesca una parte dei suoi consensi tra i colletti blu, il fenomeno dei “democratici che votarono Reagan”. E’ un estremista su aborto, gay e tutti i temi etico-religiosi, ma ha un appeal negli Stati industriali del Midwest perché sa valorizzare le sue radici familiari nella classe operaia. Tutto il contrario di Romney, che nel Michigan è cresciuto ma come figlio di un top manager (suo padre fu chief executive nell’industria dell’auto, e anche governatore dello Stato).
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