Russia’s Response to the US’ “Return” to the Asia-Pacific

Published in Study Times
(China) on 11 June 2012
by Cheng Chunhua (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Leah Averitt. Edited by Tom Proctor.
Since Nov. 2011, the United States has strengthened its military offensive to “return” to the Asia-Pacific theater. There have been frequent visits to the garrisons of relevant countries in Asia, including Australia. There is a desire to establish Asian anti-missile systems. There is an attempt to draw ASEAN, Japan and Korea over to the American side and to build trans-Pacific strategic partnerships. The U.S. would also like to promote democracy in Myanmar and other countries. On Jan. 5, 2012, U.S. President Barack Obama announced a military strategy evaluation report, “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century.” It emphasized a strategic focus shift to the Asia-Pacific region. On Apr. 30, top U.S. officials held high-level talks with the Philippines and Japan that emphasized deepening the alliance between the countries. The U.S. has made moves to “return” to the Asia-Pacific again and again. There has been a temporary surge in unrest in the Asia-Pacific; it has been a stormy sea. This has caused the international community, including Russia, to pay close attention.

Russian Scholars’ Viewpoints on the United States’ “Return” to the Asia-Pacific

Russian scholars believe that the motivation behind the U.S.’ “return” to the Asia-Pacific is mainly to promote an American economic recovery. Other reasons include containing China, maintaining economic leadership, creating more balance in the Asia-Pacific balance of power, fulfilling responsibilities to allies and maintaining a dominant position in the Asia-Pacific, etc. To some extent, it reflects the old countries in the world safeguarding their vested interests and the old world order, while part of the “disobedient” emerging countries conducts a containment competition. Russian scholars have pointed out that America’s return to the Asia-Pacific violated the interests of Russia. With regard to Russia-U.S. relations and Sino-U.S. relations, both have been damaged. Such is the deepening of Russia-U.S. and Russia-China “strategic mutual doubt” and contradictions, etc. The Asia-Pacific situation is more complex and unstable. Therefore, they must strategically and actively respond to the U.S.’ “return” to the Asia-Pacific.

The next section concerns Russian academics differing opinions on how to deal with the U.S.’s “return” to the Asia-Pacific. But to sum it up, there are basically two propositions.

The first proposition can be called “discussions on assisting the U.S. to control China.” It puts forward that Russia would want to be between China and the U.S. and remain “neutral.” Russia would even help the U.S. balance China. Russia's national interests would be maximized. Representative figures include Dmitri Trenin, etc. The second proposition can be called “discussions regarding cooperation to control the U.S.” They believe that the increase of the U.S.’ influence in the Asia-Pacific will damage Russia's interests. They advocate strengthening their strategic collaborative relationships with China and other Asia-Pacific emerging countries. They also want to counterbalance U.S. influence in the Asia-Pacific. Representatives include Vladimir Portyakov, Alexander Lukin and Mikhail Titarenko.

Those that propose the “discussions on assisting the U.S. to control China” proposition assess the outlook of Russia in the Asia-Pacific and have the following thoughts. Russia “is not only faced with being involved and the inherent risk of superpower conflict,” but is also faced with the possibility of sitting on top of the mountain to watch the fight between two tigers. They can also seek opportunities to profit at another’s expense.* Carnegie Moscow Center Director Dmitri Trenin believes that China’s rise is a severe challenge to Russia, especially regarding the Siberia region. Moscow should avoid unilaterally toppling toward Beijing. Russia must strengthen its relations with China and neighboring countries. Russia should especially collaborate with India to counterbalance China. Russia’s Academy on Geopolitical Affairs President Leonid Ivashov acknowledged the need for Russia and India to work together and strengthen their partnership to curb China’s energy considerations.

Those that propose the “discussions regarding cooperation to control the U.S.” proposition from a strategic point of view emphasize the importance and the role of the Asia-Pacific to Russia. The Russian Academy of Sciences, Far East Institute’s Vladimir Portyakov pointed out that Washington wants to restore and strengthen its ties with old allies in the Asia-Pacific region. Additionally, Washington wants to develop policies aiming at containing China. This undermines the interests of Russia. The Director of the East Asian Studies Center at the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Oriental Studies, Dmitri Mosyakov, pointed out that Russia is a Pacific Ocean country. Russia is very attractive throughout the Asia-Pacific region.

Most Russian scholars and even high-level decision-makers agree with the “discussions regarding cooperation to control the U.S.” position. They advocated strengthening strategic cooperation between Russia, China and other countries. They also mentioned the BRIC countries. They advocated collaboration within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other multilateral initiatives to balance the influence of the United States and its allies. Alexander Lukin of Russia’s Foreign Affairs College pointed out that because of Russia’s contact with China and other Asian partners, Russia is at the heart of the world influence.

Russia Is Actively Adjusting Its Asia-Pacific Strategy

Faced with changes in the world and the Asia-Pacific situation, Russia adjusts its Asia-Pacific strategy and policy by starting from an overall strategy that takes position, economics, security and diplomacy into consideration.

First, take overall strategic thinking and positioning. Russia has gradually increased the “Europe-Asia doctrine” component in its national strategic thinking. Russia has put greater emphasis on the Asia-Pacific as it relies on a “Europe-Asia coalition” to be comprehensively restored to its pivotal role.

Yeltsin attached importance to a doctrine of the Atlantic Ocean, and that is different. Putin has put more emphasis on a Europe-Asia doctrine. Russia Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee member Sergei Karaganov advocated the “cultural Europeanization” of Russia’s future that lies within an “economic Asianization.” Therefore, Russia believes the world’s “center of gravity” is the West’s look to the Asia-Pacific as a “shift toward the East.” Russia's strategic focus also should turn toward the Asia-Pacific “as an advance toward the East.”

Adjusting its Asia-Pacific strategy causes Russia’s “double-headed eagle strategy” to be more than just a name but also a reality. A report submitted by a Putin think tank, the Valdai Discussion Club’s “Towards the Great Ocean: Russia and Asia, or Russia in Asia,” makes Russia’s strategy to “advance Eastward” very clear. That is, at the same time, taking into account the interests of the participants in Russia’s Asia-Pacific affairs. Russia must further strengthen its cooperation with Asian countries, especially China’s trade and economic exchanges and political cooperation. Russia must comprehensively establish the image of major powers in the region. This should play an important role in the implementation of the strategy in Russia.

Second is economics. The financial crisis and debt crisis in Europe are making Russia's Western markets shrink. Russia has its own financial difficulties. Russia’s economic strategy puts too much emphasis on Western adjustments by way of greater emphasis on strengthening economic ties with the Asia-Pacific.

The financial crisis and the European debt crisis have created trouble for Europe and the United States. On the contrary, sometimes this requires the same crisis-stricken Russia to provide assistance. Asia-Pacific countries, such as China, Korea and India, suffered a minimal impact. Their anti-crisis capacity and growth potential should not be overlooked. Russia provides good cooperation and development opportunities. Russia is in an urgent need to take the Asia-Pacific “economic express." Russia needs to actively use the funds, technology and market for the economic development services of Asia-Pacific countries. In Feb. 2012, the Russian Federation’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Russia is set to strengthen its economic presence in Asia and the Pacific Ocean region and is developing in a direction that is a priority in Moscow. We should use the Asia-Pacific region as an opportunity, as it is very important to solve the problem of the revitalization of the Siberia and the Far East.

Russia is actively using the platform of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Organization, speeding up its integration into the Asia-Pacific economic integration process. In Sep. 2012 at Vladivostok, the APEC summit and the 2013 APEC Parliamentary Forum will promote Russia to accelerate the realization of the Far East economic development plan, Russia's further integration into their economic life and the process of integration in the Asia-Pacific region. Former Russian President Medvedev wrote his paper on the "integration for the development of innovation and prosperity." At the front of the fight against terrorism and transnational crime is Russia, who in 2012 resumes the primary task of the rotating presidency of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Andre Colodin, an expert at the Far East Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, pointed out that taking into consideration Russia as acting president of the Asia-Pacific Parliamentary Forum, their main task is to be more actively integration into the Asia-Pacific region. If Russia is included into the expanded Asian Free Trade Area, then this opens a promising door in Russia’s development.

Third is security. The U.S.’ return to the Asia-Pacific and other factors are making Russia’s security strategy bring more attention to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific. Russia would have further involvement in Asia-Pacific security affairs and the opening of the arms market. This provides security for economic development.

Russia has deployed nearly half of its army's elite troops and most of its navy's main ships in the Far East. They have taken a tough stance on the four northern islands issue. Russia is showing strength in the Far East. This is designed to safeguard Russia’s security interests and to improve Russia’s “voiced rights” in Asia-Pacific affairs. A reduction of the U.S. missile defense system and NATO’s eastward expansion have put pressure on its western strategic space.

Russia introduced a relatively neutral and all-round cooperative security policy, and this is in response to adjustments in the U.S.’s military strategy. Sergei Lavrov says Russia has good reason to be considered as an important factor in the Asia-Pacific regional military political stability and sustained development. China, India and Vietnam are strategic partners of Russia in the Asia-Pacific region. Regarding the Apr. 24, 2012 Russia-China “Joint Maritime 2012” exercise, Andrei Davydov, an expert at the Far East Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, pointed out that Russian-Chinese military exercises are in part a response to the U.S. and its allies’ military exercises.

Anatoly Isaikin, the general manager of a Russian defense export company, pointed out that in the future Russia will further expand its market in the Asia-Pacific [arms traffic]. In 2011, the Asia-Pacific region accounted for 43 percent of Russia's exports of weapons and arms. In addition to India, Vietnam and other big customers of Russian weapons, Malaysia would like to buy sophisticated weapons from Russia. Indonesia, in its purchase of infantry-fighting vehicles and other weapons, would base it on the continued expansion of the types and quantities of Russian weapon imports. There are Sino-Russian military-technical cooperation projects. China cannot produce new weapons and spare parts, etc. Therein lays the potential for further cooperation.

Fourth is diplomacy. Russia will pay more attention to bilateral relations with China, India, Vietnam, Indonesia and other countries, as well as its participation in ASEAN and Asia-Pacific multilateral mechanisms.

Lavrov pointed out that Russia strengthened its policy response to Asia in 2011. With consideration to Russia, first is the effective integration of East Siberia and the Far East Asia-Pacific region. Russia under the BRIC mode will strengthen cooperation and develop relations with major countries in Asia, placing special attention to the development of strategic partnerships with China and India. Russia will deepen multi-faceted cooperation with Japan, South Korea, ASEAN and other Asia Pacific countries. And the United States participated in the East Asia Summit.

Russia will put further emphasis on multilateral occasions and Asia-Pacific diplomacy. In his diplomatic campaign platform, Putin specifically mentioned in an article entitled "Russia and the Ever-Changing World" that the role of the Asia-Pacific region in world affairs is being enhanced. He also expanded the view of Russia-China relations. Putin said, "Russia needs a prosperous and stable China, and China also needs a strong and successful Russia." Putin said India is another important strategic partner in the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, we should also strengthen the role of the United Nations, the BRIC countries, the Group of Twenty, the Group of Eight, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, ASEAN, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Organization and other multilateral agencies.

*Translator’s note: The literal translation is “fish fights, fisherman gets the profit.”


俄罗斯对美“重返”亚太的应对

程春华
2012年06月11日15:42 来源:学习时报

俄罗斯对美“重返”亚太的应对--中国共产党新闻
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  2011年 11月以来,美国加强“重返”亚太攻势:频访亚洲相关国家,在澳大利亚等地驻军,欲建亚洲反导体系,拉拢东盟日韩,构建跨太平洋战略伙伴关系(TPP),在缅甸等国推进民主等。2012年1月5日,美国总统奥巴马公布军事战略评估报告《维持美国的全球领导地位:21世纪国防的优先任务》,强调将战略重心转移至亚太地区。2012年4月30日,美国高层与菲律宾、日本高层会谈,强调深化同盟关系。美国“重返”亚太动作频频,一时搅得亚太风起云涌、惊涛骇浪,引起包括俄罗斯在内的国际社会密切关注。


  俄罗斯学者对美国“重返”亚太的看法与主张

  


  俄罗斯学者认为,美国“重返”亚太的动因主要有促进美国经济复苏、遏制中国、保持经济领导地位、平衡亚太力量对比、履行对盟友责任、在亚太保持主导地位等方面的需要,一定程度上反映了世界上老牌国家为维护既得利益与旧的世界秩序,而对部分“不听话”的新兴国家进行围堵的较量。俄学者指出,美国“重返”亚太触犯了俄罗斯利益,对俄美关系、中美关系都有损害,如加深俄美、俄中“战略互疑”与矛盾等,使亚太局势更加复杂和不稳定,因此要从战略上积极应对美国“重返”亚太。


  关于如何应对美国“重返”亚太,俄罗斯学界众说纷纭,但归纳起来大致有两种主张。


  第一种主张可称为“助美制华论”,提出俄罗斯要在中美之间保持“中立”,甚至帮助美国制衡中国,使俄罗斯国家利益实现最大化,代表人物有德米特里 特列宁等。第二种主张可称为“协作制美论”,认为美国在亚太影响力上升会损害俄罗斯利益,主张与中国等亚太新兴国家加强战略协作关系,制衡美国在亚太的影响力,代表人物有弗拉基米尔 波尔加科夫、亚历山大?卢金、米哈伊尔?季塔连科等。


  “助美制华论”者评估俄罗斯在亚太局势的前景时认为,俄罗斯“既面临卷入超级大国冲突的风险”,又面临“坐山观虎斗”、谋取“渔翁之利”的机遇。莫斯科卡内基中心主任德米特里 特列宁认为,中国崛起对俄罗斯是严峻的挑战,特别是对西伯利亚地区;莫斯科应该避免单边倒向北京,必须加强同中国周边国家的关系,特别是与印度协作以制衡中国。俄罗斯地缘政治问题研究院院长列昂尼德藺伊瓦绍夫承认俄印加强伙伴关系有遏制中国能量的考虑。


  “协作制美论”者从战略上强调亚太对俄罗斯的重要意义与作用。俄罗斯科学院远东研究所弗拉基米尔 波尔加科夫指出,华盛顿在亚太地区恢复和加强与老盟友的关系,并制定以遏制中国为目标的政策,有损俄罗斯的利益。俄罗斯科学院东方学所东亚研究中心主任德米特里?莫西亚科夫指出,俄罗斯是太平洋国家,整个亚太地区对俄罗斯都是非常有吸引力的。


  “协作制美论”得到俄罗斯大部分学者乃至高层决策者赞同,主张加强俄中等国之间的战略协作,以及金砖国家、上海合作组织等多边框架内的协作,以平衡美国及其盟国的影响。俄罗斯外交学院亚历山大 卢金指出,正是由于同中国和其他亚洲伙伴的联系,俄罗斯才处于世界影响力的核心。


  俄罗斯积极调整亚太战略

  


  针对世界与亚太地区形势的变化,俄罗斯开始从总体战略思想与定位、经济、安全、外交等方面调整其亚太战略与政策。


  一是在总体战略思想与定位上,俄罗斯逐步增加“欧亚主义”在国家战略思想中的分量,更加重视亚太对其依托“欧亚联盟”实现全面复兴的支柱作用。


  与叶利钦重视大西洋主义不同,普京更重视欧亚主义。俄罗斯国防与外交委员会主席谢尔盖 卡拉加诺夫主张,“文化欧洲化”的俄罗斯未来在于“经济亚洲化”。因此,俄罗斯认为,世界的“重心”正由西方向亚太“东移”,俄罗斯的战略重心也应向亚太“东进”。


  调整亚太战略使俄罗斯的“双头鹰战略”更加名副其实。提交普京智囊——瓦代尔俱乐部会议的报告《东进:俄罗斯和亚洲,还是俄罗斯在亚洲》明确了俄罗斯的“东进”战略,即在顾及其他亚太地区事务参与者利益的同时,俄罗斯必须进一步加强同亚洲国家,特别是中国的经贸往来和政治合作;俄罗斯在该地区大国形象的全面确立,应在俄罗斯亚洲战略的实施中起到重要作用。


  二是经济上,金融危机与欧债危机使俄罗斯的西方市场萎缩、自身经济困难,其经济战略由过于重视西方调整为更加重视加强与亚太的经济联系。


  金融危机与欧债危机使欧美陷入困境,有时反而需要同样遭受危机的俄罗斯提供帮助,而中国、韩国、印度等亚太国家所受冲击较小,其抗危机能力与成长潜力不可小觑,为俄罗斯提供了良好的合作与发展机遇。俄罗斯迫切需要搭乘亚太“经济快车”,积极利用亚太国家的资金、技术与市场为经济发展服务。2012年2月俄联邦外长谢尔盖 拉夫罗夫称,俄罗斯加强在亚洲和太平洋地区的经济存在是莫斯科的优先发展方向,利用亚太地区机遇解决西伯利亚和远东地区振兴问题非常重要。


  俄罗斯积极利用亚太经济合作组织等平台,加快融入亚太经济一体化进程。2012年 9月海参崴(符拉迪沃斯托克)APEC峰会与2013年APEC议会论坛将促进俄罗斯加速远东地区经济发展计划的实现,并使俄罗斯更进一步融入亚太地区的经济生活以及一体化进程中。俄罗斯前总统梅德韦杰夫在《一体化为发展,创新为繁荣》一文中写道,打击恐怖主义和跨国犯罪是俄罗斯 2012年在担任亚太经济合作组织轮值主席国期间的首要任务。俄罗斯科学院远东研究所专家安德烈?沃罗金指出,对于作为亚太议会论坛主席国的俄罗斯来说,主要的任务是要更积极地融入亚太地区,如果将俄罗斯纳入亚洲自由贸易区,将为俄罗斯的发展打开一扇富有前景的大门。


  三是安全上,美国重返“亚太”等因素使俄罗斯安全战略调整为更加重视维护亚太安全稳定,进一步介入亚太安全事务和开辟军火市场,为经济发展提供安全保障。


  俄罗斯将其近半陆军精锐兵力和多数海军主力舰艇部署在远东地区;在北方四岛问题上态度强硬。俄罗斯在远东地区显示实力,旨在维护自身安全利益,提高对亚太事务的“话语权”,削减美国反导体系和北约东扩挤压其西部战略空间的压力。


  俄罗斯实行一种相对中立与全方位合作的安全政策,以回应美国的军事战略调整。拉夫罗夫说,俄罗斯有充分的理由被认为是亚太地区军事政治稳定和持续发展的重要因素;中国、印度和越南是俄罗斯在亚太地区的战略伙伴。关于2012年4月24日俄中“海上联合―2012”军演,俄罗斯科学院远东研究所专家安德烈 达维多夫指出,俄中军演在某种程度上是对美国及其盟国军演的一种回应。


  俄罗斯国防出口公司总经理阿纳托利 伊赛金指出,俄罗斯未来将进一步扩展亚太(军火)市场。2011年亚太地区占俄罗斯出口武器份额的43%。除印度和越南等俄罗斯武器的大客户外,马来西亚希望购买俄罗斯的尖端武器,而印度尼西亚则在购买步兵战车等武器基础上继续扩大进口俄罗斯武器的种类和数量。中俄在军事技术合作项目、中国无法生产的新式武器及零配件等方面有进一步合作的潜力。


  四是外交上,俄罗斯更加重视与中国、印度、越南、印尼等国的双边关系及参与东盟等亚太多边机制。


  拉夫罗夫指出,2011年俄罗斯强化了针对亚洲的政策,包括把俄罗斯,首先是把东西伯利亚和远东地区同亚太地区的一体化有效融合。俄罗斯在金砖国家模式下加强了合作并发展了同亚洲主要国家的关系,特别重视与中国和印度发展战略合作伙伴关系,加深了同日本、韩国、东盟以及亚太地区其他国家的多层面合作,与美国一道参加了东亚峰会。


  俄罗斯将进一步重视多边场合下的亚太外交。普京在其外交竞选纲领《俄罗斯与不断变化的世界》一文中特别提到了亚太地区在世界事务中作用的提升,并阐述了对俄中关系的看法。普京指出:“俄罗斯需要一个繁荣和稳定的中国,中国也需要一个强大和成功的俄罗斯。”普京称,印度是亚太地区的另一个重要的战略合作伙伴;同时还应加强联合国、金砖国家、二十国集团、八国集团、上海合作组织、东盟、亚太经济合作组织等多边机构的作用。


(责任编辑:高巍、秦华)


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