The Border that Cannot Be Closed

Published in Information
(Denmark) on 5 October 2012
by Marianne S. Winther (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anne Thye. Edited by Molly Rusk.
Twenty years of deterrence along the Mexican border hasn’t stopped the illegal immigrants from coming. While the Americans intensify border control, the immigrants run ever greater risks in their hunt for the American Dream. Meanwhile, neither the president nor Mitt Romney have enough imagination to come up with an alternative to the "secure the border" mentality.

"Secure the border" has been the mantra in American immigration politics for almost two decades. Despite the fact that Barack Obama and his contestant Mitt Romney seem to disagree on almost everything these days, they are both alarmingly set on continuing the immigration policy introduced by Bill Clinton. And that is in spite of the enormous costs, both economic and human, it has incurred.

The strategy both candidates subscribe to was referred to as "prevention through deterrence" under Bill Clinton. The policy is simple; it is about deterring people from crossing the United States-Mexico border illegally. The problem, however, is that this strategy simply does not work. It did not work under Clinton, and still does not today. You are tempted to ask yourself if it was ever meant to work.

Since 1993 the amount of border guards has quintupled from approximately 4,000 to 21,000, and the budget for the American Border Patrol has increased no less than tenfold in the same period. Not even the troubled American economy has been able to halt this development. The budget has thus risen from $2.25 billion to $3.5 billion since the onset of the recession of 2008.

The staggering amount of money has inter alia gone to the implementation of equipment — originally intended for military use — along the 3,000 kilometer stretch of land shared with Mexico. Infrared cameras, motion sensors, drones and other military hardware now form part of the scenery. Several observers have described this as a decided militarization of the border.

Consequently, for immigrants who hope to make it to the "land of opportunity," the only route to the United States is through the harsh desert. It is no coincidence that we see the most restrictive immigration laws being implemented precisely in Arizona.

In this context it is important to remember that, as recently as twenty years ago, only a minority of immigrants dared venture into the Arizona desert, as a potentially deadly four-day journey under the blazing sun, without food or water, awaited them there.

Today, this is no longer the case. Even though we have no precise death toll from the crossing of America’s southern border, the weathered bones in the desert clearly speak for themselves.

The American NGO No More Deaths has documented over 161 immigrant fatalities in the Arizona desert just this year. The exact number of deceased, however, is impossible to uncover. What of those who never made it to the border but instead fell into the merciless hands of the drug cartels, like the 74 immigrants who were found decapitated in a barn in northern Mexico two years ago? Tragically, it seems that suggesting alternative ways to tackle the problem equates to political suicide in the United States. The solution will always be the same: secure the border.

Without even blinking Obama put his predecessor George W. Bush’s prestige project into action: a fence along the border that stretches from the Pacific coast to the Gulf of Mexico. When Obama jokingly said in a speech last year that the Republicans would only be satisfied when he dug an alligator-filled moat along the border, he actually revealed more about how far he himself had gone in his endeavor to "secure the border." Mitt Romney, like his opponent, has no imagination to think of alternatives. From his manifesto, it is apparent that he as president would increase border patrol (yet again) and build even more fences (again), so the border would finally be secure. That, at least, is the vision. Or should it rather be called the illusion?

Even for the world’s leading military power, it is viewed as an almost impossible task to secure the border completely in the remote desert areas. Hence, thousands of immigrants continue to attempt to cross the border every single day.

Skilled Human Smugglers

Ironically, last year’s focus on securing the border has led to a larger need for the so-called coyotes — human smugglers who earn fortunes — as the border can no longer be crossed by just anyone. Now it is necessary to hire a guide who has extensive knowledge of the local terrain. Unsurprisingly, the price for this service has risen significantly over the last twenty years. The supply and demand chain is in place in this type of economy as well. It would not be truthful to display these coyotes as people who solely exploit the immigrants. Of course some do, and those are as a rule the first to flee when police arrive. However, many immigrants are deeply grateful to the coyotes who, despite everything, have managed to help them into the United States. Thus, there is a distinction between good and bad human smugglers.

What else is a person to do when they are utterly convinced their future lies elsewhere? It is an expensive future, but a promising one. Maybe it is in reality too promising. Existence as an illegal immigrant seldom lives up to expectations.

A Hidden Agenda?

After almost twenty years, it must be realized that the "prevention through deterrence" strategy has far from prevented people from crossing the border. The question that begs to be answered is whether it was ever intended to do so?

For many years anthropologist Nicholas De Genova has argued that the purpose of the American immigration policy is first and foremost to acquire cheap labor for the industrial and agricultural sectors. This is a disputed argument, but it is evident that big economic interests are in play, and both presidential candidates are probably well aware of this.

Even if there is not a hidden agenda behind the immigration policy, the reality is that the approximately 11 million illegal immigrants who currently reside in the United States actually prove to be an asset to industry, agriculture and those who seek cheap domestic help. There are only a few jobs illegal immigrants can take on, and these are in the informal sector where the pay is low and the work environments are substandard.

The current economic crisis has not improved the situation; it has only made it even harder for illegal immigrants to find employment. From my own experience conducting field research among illegal immigrants in the United States, it is clear that low job opportunities do not mean that immigrants will return home.

Instead they wait for better times; for the immigration reform act of 2007 that was never implemented; for their children to grow up and hopefully get an education. And suddenly they wake up one morning and realize that ten, fifteen or twenty years have gone by.

For many immigrants the American Dream remains exactly that — an unobtainable dream. Yet that does not mean people are discouraged from crossing the border without the necessary papers. Not even a moat filled with alligators could prevent them from coming.


Grænsen, der ikke kan lukkes
I USA har 20 års afskrækkelse langs den mexicanske grænse ikke stoppet de illegale immigranter. Mens amerikanerne intensiverer grænsebevogtningen, løber immigranterne stadig større risici i jagten på den amerikanske drøm. Og hverken præsidenten eller udfordreren har fantasi til at forestille sig et alternativ til ’grænsen skal sikres’-tankegangen

En gruppe mexicanere tilbringer en nat i byen Altar nær grænsen til USA. Her venter de på at få kontakt med en coyote, der kan få dem over grænsen. 20 års afskrækkelsespolitik langs den mexicanske grænse har ikke stoppet de illegale immigranter. Foto: Fernando Moleres/ Panos Pictures
Grænsen skal sikres.« Sådan har mantraet lydt i amerikansk immigrationspolitik i næsten to årtier. Selvom Barack Obama og hans modstander, Mitt Romney, virker til at være uenige om det meste for tiden, er de dog foruroligende enige om én ting: At videreføre den immigrationspolitik, som Bill Clinton i sin tid lancerede. Og det til trods for, at den har haft enorme omkostninger – økonomiske såvel som menneskelige.
Strategien som begge kandidater bekender sig til, blev under Clinton kaldt »forebyggelse ved afskrækkelse«. Ideen er simpel: Det handler om at afskrække folk fra at krydse den amerikansk-mexicanske grænse illegalt. Problemet er bare, at strategien ikke virker. Det gjorde den ikke på Clintons tid. Og det gør den ikke i dag. Man fristes til at spørge, om det mon nogensinde var meningen?
Siden 1993 er antallet af grænsevagter femdoblet, fra ca. 4.000 til over 21.000, og budgettet for den amerikanske Border Patrol er intet mindre end tidoblet i samme periode. Ikke engang den trængte amerikanske økonomi har kunnet sætte en stopper for denne udvikling. Budgettet er således steget fra 2,25 milliarder dollar til 3,5 milliarder dollar siden den økonomiske krise indtraf i 2008.
De mange penge er blandt andet blevet brugt på at implementere udstyr, der oprindeligt var beregnet til militære formål, langs den 3.000 km lange strækning, som landet deler med Mexico. Infrarøde kameraer, bevægelsessensorer, droner og andet militært isenkram er blevet gjort til en del af landskabet, hvilket har fået flere iagttagere til at tale om en decideret militarisering af grænsen.
Som konsekvens heraf er det i dag ruten gennem den barske ørken, som langt de fleste immigranter er nødt til at tage, hvis de skal gøre sig håb om at komme frem til ’mulighedernes land’. Det er derfor heller ikke noget tilfælde, at det netop er i Arizona, at vi for tiden ser landets mest restriktive immigrationslove forsøgt gennemført.
I den sammenhæng er det vigtigt at huske på, at for bare tyve år siden var det de færreste immigranter, der turde bevæge sig ud i Arizonas ørken, hvor det ofte er nødvendigt at vandre i 3-4 dage under den bagende sol uden tilstrækkelige mængder vand og mad – til tider med fatale konsekvenser til følge.
I dag er det ikke længere tilfældet. Selvom der ikke eksisterer noget præcist tal for, hvor mange mennesker, der mister livet, idet de forsøger at krydseUSA’s sydlige grænse, taler de vejrbidte knogler i ørkenen deres tydelige sprog.
Den amerikanske NGO No More Deaths, har dokumenteret, at der er fundet lig af mindst 161 immigranter i Arizonas ørken alene det sidste år. Det samlede antal omkomne er dog umuligt at finde frem til. For hvad med alle dem, der aldrig når frem til selve grænsen, men derimod falder i narkokartellernes ubarmhjertige varetægt undervejs, som for eksempel de 74 immigranter, der blev fundet halshugget i en lade i det nordlige Mexico for to år siden?
Det tragiske er, at det virker som om, at det vil være lig med politisk selvmord i USA at foreslå, at man griber problemet an på en anden måde. Løsningen er altid den samme: Grænsen skal sikres.
Obama har uden at blinke ført sin forgænger George W. Bushs prestigeprojekt ud i livet: Et hegn langs grænsen, der strækker sig hele vejen fra stillehavskysten til den Mexicanske Golf. Da Obama i en tale sidste år spøgte med, at republikanerne først ville blive tilfredse, når han fik gravet en voldgrav fyldt op med alligatorer ved grænsen, fortalte det i virkeligheden mere om, hvor langt han selv er gået i sin bestræbelse på at ’sikre grænsen’. Romney har ligesom sin modstander heller ikke fantasi til at tænke i alternativer. Af hans program fremgår det, at han som præsident vil øge antallet af grænsevagter (endnu en gang) og bygge endnu mere hegn (igen), så grænsen endelig vil blive sikker. Det er i hvert fald visionen. Eller skulle man hellere sige illusionen?
For selv for verdens førende militærmagt er det logistisk set nærmest en umulig opgave at sikre grænsen totalt i de øde ørkenområder. Således forsøger tusinder af immigranter til stadighed at krydse grænsen hver eneste dag.
Gode menneskesmuglere
Ironisk nok har de seneste års fokus på at sikre grænsen medført et større behov for de såkaldte coyotes – menneskesmuglere, der tjener kassen på, at grænsen nu ikke længere kan krydses af hvem som helst, men at det derimod kræver en person med indgående kendskab til det lokale terræn. Ikke overraskende er priserne for denne ’service’ steget markant de seneste tyve år. Udbud og efterspørgselslogikken gør sig også gældende indenfor denne type økonomi. Det vil dog være forkert at fremstille disse coyotes som personer, der kun udnytter immigranterne. Nogle gør selvfølgelig, og de er som regel også de første til at forsvinde, hvis politiet nærmer sig. Men mange immigranter er også dybt taknemmelige over, at deres coyote trods alt har formået at hjælpe dem ind i USA. Man skelner derfor mellem gode og dårlige menneskesmuglere.
For hvad skal man ellers gøre, når man er overbevist om, at fremtiden ligger et andet sted? Det er en dyr fremtid. Men også en lovende en. Og måske i virkeligheden også for lovende. For tilværelsen som illegal immigrant lever sjældent op til forventningerne.
En skjult dagsorden?
Efter næsten tyve år må man konstatere, at strategien ’forebyggelse ved afskrækkelse’ langtfra har forhindret, at folk krydser grænsen. Spørgsmålet er dog, om den nogensinde havde til formål at gøre det?
Antropologen Nicholas De Genova har i mange år argumenteret for, at formålet med den amerikanske immigrationspolitik først og fremmest er at skaffe billig arbejdskraft til industrien og landbruget. Argumentet er omstridt, men det er et faktum, at der er store økonomiske interesser på spil. Og mon ikke begge præsidentkandidater er bevidste om det?
Selv hvis der ikke er en skjult dagsorden bag immigrationspolitikken, er realiteten den, at de ca. 11 millioner illegale immigranter, der p.t. opholder sig i USA, rent faktisk er til fordel for industrien, landbruget og dem, der ønsker billig hushjælp. Der er nemlig meget få job, som immigranterne kan varetage, og de fleste af disse job er i den uformelle sektor, hvor lønningerne er lave og arbejdsforholdene kritisable.
Den nuværende økonomiske krise har ikke hjulpet på situationen, men blot gjort det endnu sværere at finde arbejde. Min egen erfaring fra at udføre feltarbejde blandt illegale immigranter i USA viser, at dette dog ikke er ensbetydende med, at folk vender hjem, når der ikke længere er noget arbejde at få.
I stedet venter man. På bedre tider. På den immigrationsreform der aldrig blev til noget for fem år siden. På at ens børn bliver voksne og forhåbentligt får en uddannelse. Og pludselig vågner man op en morgen og indser at ti, femten eller tyve år er gået.
For mange immigranter forbliver den amerikanske drøm netop det – en drøm, der ikke så let lader sig realisere. Men det betyder ikke, at folk lader sig afskrække fra at krydse grænsen uden de fornødne papirer. Det vil selv en voldgrav fyldt med alligatorer nok ikke kunne forhindre.
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