Immigration Reform

Published in El Universal
(Mexico) on 10 March 2013
by Rosario Green (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Brian Perez. Edited by Lydia Dallett.
Republican Senator John McCain, a co-author of the immigration reform package that was nearly successful back in 2005, recently visited Mexico City. While expressing confidence that immigration reform could be achieved by March, he did not reveal the contents of this reform and instead focused his efforts on security issues. With President Peña Nieto, he conceded the need for the two countries to work together to have a border that was "increasingly safe and efficient."* They expressed their desire to strengthen ties between Mexico and the state of Arizona, the state represented by Senator McCain, where measures have been found to infringe, with a certain degree of emphasis, on undocumented Mexicans.

I maintain an ambivalent position regarding this visit. On one hand, I recognize the fact that, years ago, McCain was almost pro-immigration. However, his constant references, in this visit to Mexico, to being unfamiliar with cartel leaders in Chicago, Los Angeles or Detroit seemed to spark more than simple curiosity. For starters, I am convinced that Americans know perfectly well where cartel leaders are and where they operate so-called "branches" of Mexican drug cartels. That map exists. I've seen it. [McCain’s] references during his visit went beyond a position already promoted by Obama, one that ensures a "secure border" as part of comprehensive immigration reform.

My position is not one of simple skepticism but, rather, of coming to terms with an unfortunate reality. A report published by Congress questioned the security strategy put forward by the government of President Peña Nieto, particularly in relation to direct combat against organized crime. Regarding the Mexican strategy of not denying violence or crime, but paying more attention to the social prevention of these phenomena, the United States reacts disapprovingly. The report also notes that, as a result of this policy, it may in fact cause tensions in the U.S.’s efforts to combat transnational criminal organizations. It goes so far as to conclude, "[a]ny attempt by the Peña Nieto government to negotiate with criminal groups or to implement the legalization of certain drugs undoubtedly raises concerns in Congress.”*

The ease with which the Mexican government has been put in a straitjacket is not surprising, and it’s even ironic, since those who have legalized marijuana use have not been the Mexican people.

I am sure that cooperation between Mexico and the United States on security and combating drug trafficking is necessary and is an act of responsibility. However, the Mexican government should be solely responsible for the establishment of the means by which such cooperation occurs, in the same way that the United States is solely responsible for the means and forms of its cooperation with Mexico.

Hence, at least in my case, some doubts arise concerning the freedom with which a comprehensive immigration reform proposed by President Obama will be allowed to operate. If it’s going to establish a quid pro quo, we will have to rethink this before accepting.

We find ourselves in a particularly important time. Obama is ready to fulfill his commitment to the Hispanic community and wants a law passed quickly to reflect that. A poll from Reuters/Ipsos reveals, however, that more than half of Americans believe that most of the 11 million illegal immigrants in the country should be deported, and the group of eight lawmakers who are presently working on this law resent the threat of the president’s Plan B. We will have to tread lightly.

*Editor’s note: the original quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


Rosario Green
Reforma migratoria

Recientemente pasó por la ciudad de México el senador republicano John McCain, coautor de aquella reforma migratoria que casi se coronó con éxito en 2005. Si bien manifestó su confianza en que para marzo podría lograrse una reforma migratoria, cuyo contenido no develó, centró su interés en temas de seguridad. Con el presidente Peña Nieto coincidió en la necesidad de que los dos países trabajen juntos a fin de contar con una frontera “cada vez más segura y eficiente”. Igualmente expresaron sus deseos de estrechar los vínculos entre México y el estado de Arizona, al que representa el senador McCain, donde se han adoptado medidas que vulneran de manera especial a los mexicanos indocumentados.
Mantengo una posición ambivalente frente a esta visita. Por un lado, reconozco que efectivamente hace años McCain era casi promigración. Sin embargo, sus continuas referencias en esta visita a México respecto a que desconoce a los jefes de los cárteles de Chicago, Los Ángeles o Detroit, pareció transparentar algo más que curiosidad. Para empezar, estoy convencida de que los estadounidenses conocen perfectamente bien dónde están y dónde operar las llamadas “sucursales” de los cárteles mexicanos de la droga. Ese mapa existe. Lo he visto. Pero además sus referencias se salieron del tema ya aceptado por Obama, de garantizar una “frontera segura” como parte de su reforma migratoria integral.
No se trata de un simple sospechosismo, sino de aceptar una lamentable realidad. Un informe publicado por el Congreso de EU pone en duda la estrategia de seguridad planteada por el gobierno del presidente Peña Nieto, particularmente por lo que toca al combate directo al crimen organizado. Ante la estrategia mexicana de no negar ni la violencia ni la delincuencia, pero poner mayor atención en la prevención social de estos fenómenos, Estados Unidos reacciona mal. Inclusive, el mencionado informe señala que a consecuencia de esta política pública podrían darse tensiones en los esfuerzos estadounidenses para combatir a las organizaciones criminales trasnacionales. Y va tan lejos que concluye: “Cualquier intento del gobierno de Peña Nieto de negociar con grupos criminales o legalizar ciertas drogas despertaría sin lugar a dudas las preocupaciones en el Congreso”.
No deja de sorprender la tranquilidad con la que se busca imponer al gobierno mexicano una camisa de fuerza y resulta inclusive irónico, pues quienes han legalizado el consumo de mariguana no hemos sido, por cierto, los mexicanos.
Estoy segura de que la cooperación entre México y Estados Unidos en materia de seguridad y combate al narcotráfico es necesaria y es un acto de corresponsabilidad. Sin embargo, compete única y exclusivamente al gobierno mexicano establecer los cánones en los que esa cooperación puede ser recibida, de la misma manera que compete únicamente a Estados Unidos definir el monto y la forma de su cooperación con México.
De ahí que surjan, por lo menos en mi caso, algunas dudas respecto a la libertad con la cual la reforma migratoria integral que propone el presidente Obama habrá de darse y si su procesamiento establecerá un quid pro quo que habrá que repensar antes de aceptar.
Nos encontramos en un momento particularmente importante. Obama está dispuesto a cumplir su compromiso con los hispanos y quiere pronto una ley, pese a que un sondeo de Reuters/Ipsos revela que más de la mitad de los estadounidenses cree que la mayoría de los 11 millones de inmigrantes ilegales que hay en el país debería ser deportada y el grupo de los ocho legisladores que trabajan en el tema resienten la amenaza del Plan B del presidente. Habrá que hilar muy fino.






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