Snowden Is an Example

Published in El Pais
(Spain) on 13 August 2013
by Miguel Ángel Bastenier (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Chris Randall. Edited by Kyrstie Lane.
The irony is that Russia is doing the United States a favor by keeping the whistle-blower quiet.

Edward Snowden is the centerpiece of the greatest manhunt ever undertaken by a government. It is taking place under the pretext of a law from World War I, the Espionage Act, but more specifically under the Patriot Act from Oct. 26, 2001, passed to further the panic caused by the attack on the twin towers. This law eliminated the last legal obstacles to phone tapping carried out by the North American federal authorities. And because of this, the administration has spent weeks scrutinizing the profiles of millions of employees linked to national security to ward off the risk that Snowden’s example might be infectious.

The last phase in the case of the CIA contractor, to whom Moscow has granted asylum and whom Washington accuses of disclosing state secrets, is the cancellation of the summit that President Obama was due to hold in the Russian capital with his counterpart, Vladimir Putin. But the decision to punish the world’s second nuclear power hides more than it reveals about the real interests of the U.S.

Cancelling the meeting only makes real sense when it is put into the context of the series of warnings, both public and private, to allies, friends, employees and adversaries — among which Spain is no exception — of the serious consequences that any contribution to helping the IT analyst leave Russia could entail. It is supposed that there he will not publish any more compromising material, as his host country is demanding. Washington is warning the world that it will bring the full force of the law down on anyone who dares to use telecommunications technology against the same power that has been secretly using this very technology to spy on its own citizens as well as foreigners. The operation has continued to have unhealthy effects that spread until they started affecting journalistic duty and public information in general. The president of the Associated Press, Gary Pruitt, has said that the sources linked to national security are drying up very quickly and that in Washington off-the-record comments from politicians and civil servants are at risk of becoming a thing of the past (Tom Engelhardt, Tomdispatch.com).

But the final irony is that the cancellation of the summit has not damaged the United States for two reasons. The first is because nothing positive could have been expected to come from the meeting in Moscow. There was no expectation that Russia would lend Washington a hand, neither with the civil war in Syria, nor the nuclear dispute with Iran, nor the negotiations seeking to reduce the nuclear arsenals of both powers. So Obama has saved an initiative that was probably doomed to fail, leaving the meeting for a better occasion. And the second is because Russia is doing another great favor for the United States by keeping Snowden quiet, simply because if Snowden fell into U.S. hands, the contents of the four computers on which he assures that he has accumulated valuable information — that are hidden in a safe place — would be disseminated by collaborators or accomplices of the libertarian hacker.

It fits perfectly into the strictest realpolitik that Washington should pursue Snowden and consider him a criminal and that it should so universally threaten anyone who intends to follow in his footsteps. It has all the more reason to do so following the precedent set by Julian Assange, who has taken refuge in the Ecuadorean embassy in London for the last 14 months. It is equally understandable that Putin should get one over on Obama, as long as he gets the opportunity to show who is and who isn’t totally independent. In particular, that Assange and Snowden, preceded by the case of Manning — who is already feeling the force of North American justice — have rendered an invaluable service to Western public opinion by revealing the extent of spying around the world. In 1900 in the United States, there was one telephone per 100 homes, whereas in 2012, there are more sets than people. Is this the limit of North American paranoia?

A year — the asylum period that Russia has initially granted – is long enough for whoever wants to negotiate, especially when Snowden maintains that he only published information that the public has a right to know, without putting lives or national interests in danger. The situation, with the two fugitives silenced but out of the United States’ reach, is a living reflection of diplomatic instability. Is this why the end of this conflict is negotiable?


Snowden es un caso

Una ironía es que Rusia le haga el favor a Estados Unidos de tener callado al filtrador

Edward Snowden es la pieza central de la mayor caza al hombre jamás emprendida por un Gobierno, que se desarrolla al amparo de una ley de la I Guerra Mundial, la Espionage Act, pero más específicamente de la Patriot Act, de 26 de octubre de 2001, aprobada a favor del pánico provocado por el atentado de las Torres Gemelas. Este texto legal eliminaba las últimas trabas judiciales a las escuchas practicadas por las autoridades federales norteamericanas. Y la Administración lleva por ese motivo semanas escudriñando el perfil de millones de empleados vinculados a la seguridad nacional, para conjurar el riesgo de que el ejemplo de Snowden sea contaminante.

El último avatar del caso del contratista de la CIA, al que Moscú ha concedido asilo y Washington acusa de divulgación de secretos de Estado, es la cancelación de la cumbre que el presidente Obama debía celebrar en la capital rusa con su homólogo, Vladímir Putin. Pero la decisión de castigar a la segunda potencia nuclear del planeta oculta más que revela los verdaderos intereses de EE UU.

La anulación del encuentro solo cobra todo su sentido cuando se lo enmarca en la serie, pública y privada, de advertencias a aliados, amigos, empleados y adversarios, entre los que no está exenta España, de las graves consecuencias que podría acarrear cualquier contribución a que el analista informático pudiera abandonar Rusia, donde se supone que no dará a la publicidad más material comprometedor, como le exige el país anfitrión. Washington advierte al mundo con esa decisión que no cejará en su empeño de hacer caer todo el peso de la ley sobre quien ose utilizar la tecnología de las telecomunicaciones contra la misma potencia que se ha venido sirviendo secretamente de ella para espiar a propios y extraños. Y la operación no cesa de producir efectos malsanos que se propagan hasta afectar al quehacer periodístico y a la información pública en general. El presidente de la Associated Press, Gary Pruitt, ha dicho que las fuentes vinculadas a la Seguridad Nacional se están secando a marchas forzadas, y que en Washington el off the record de políticos y funcionarios corre peligro de convertirse en un recuerdo (Tom Engelhardt, Tomdispatch.com).

Pero la ironía final es que la cancelación de la cumbre no le hace ningún daño a Estados Unidos por dos razones. La primera porque nada positivo cabía esperar de la cita de Moscú. Ni sobre la guerra civil en Siria, ni en el contencioso nuclear con Irán, o la negociación sobre reducción de arsenales atómicos entre ambas potencias, había serias expectativas de que Rusia echara una mano a Washignton, con lo que Obama se ahorra una iniciativa probablemente condenada al fracaso, dejando el encuentro para mejor ocasión. Y la segunda, porque Rusia le está haciendo otro gran favor a Estados Unidos al mantener callado a Snowden, sencillamente porque si el analista cayera en sus manos, el contenido de los cuatro ordenadores en que se asegura que atesora tan valiosa información —y que están escondidos en lugar seguro— sería difundido por colaboradores o cómplices del hacker libertario.

Entra de lleno en la más estricta realpolitik que Washington persiga y considere a Snowden un delincuente; que amenace de manera tan universal a cualquiera que pretenda seguir sus pasos, y ello, aun con mayor motivo, tras el precedente de Julian Assange, que lleva 14 meses refugiado en la embajada de Ecuador en Londres; es igualmente comprensible que Putin le meta el dedo en el ojo a Obama siempre que se le presente la ocasión para demostrar quién es y quién no soberanamente independiente; y, en especial, que Assange y Snowden, precedidos por el cabo Manning, que ya sufre el peso de la justicia norteamericana, han rendido un inapreciable servicio a la opinión pública occidental revelando la extensión del espionaje al mundo entero. En 1900 en Estados Unidos había un teléfono por cada 100 hogares; y en 2012, más aparatos que habitantes. ¿Es ese el límite de la paranoia norteamericana?

Un año, que es el tiempo de asilo que inicialmente ha otorgado Rusia, es plazo suficiente para quien quiera negociar, máxime cuando Snowden sostiene que solo ha dado a la publicidad aquella información que el público tiene derecho a conocer, sin poner en peligro vidas o intereses nacionales. La situación, con los dos prófugos momentáneamente silenciados, pero fuera del alcance de Estados Unidos, es la viva imagen de la inestabilidad diplomática. ¿Es por ello negociable el fin de ese conflicto?
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