The Plight of America's Welfare Populism

Published in Oriental Morning Post
(China) on 17 October 2013
by Xiao Gongqin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Gloria Furness. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The weakening of America's national power is no good thing for China. As most people know, the U.S. dollar is continuing to weaken, causing China's large share of U.S. bonds to continuously depreciate. Once America becomes unable to repay this debt, it will generate a devastating blow for the global economy, and the harm done to China will no doubt be extremely grave.

In the early days of May 2012, I attended a two-day conference at Penn State University. On this trip, I visited Philadelphia, Washington, D.C., Princeton and New York and saw a group of old friends from 20 years ago. I attended a Philadelphia Orchestra concert, visited West Point Military Academy and saw New York's 9/11 Memorial and Manhattan Square.

On the surface, the United States is a pretty nice place, but looking at it from a long-term perspective, I feel that America has already entered a fundamental trend of decline. This seems to be completely unrelated to capitalism, but rather to a common contradiction facing both Europe and the United States. I call this illness "Welfare Populism Syndrome."

It can be said that social welfare, coupled with populist politics, is the root cause of the predicament faced by developing countries in the 21st century. The proletariat is always a majority; social welfare policies turn them into a vast number of beneficiaries. Universal suffrage has allowed the ballots in their hands to become the majority voice in deciding the fate of society. When the economy sinks into hardship, if the people want to reduce social welfare and affect their actual benefits, they will then use their ballots to take down the candidates advocating reform and let those who support a welfare state rise to power. If one desires enough votes to come to power, then he must pander to these people; however, in so doing there is ultimately no way to resolve social contradictions.

The enormously high welfare expectations of the proletariat have already generated a huge impact on the middle class. While in the United States, I stayed at a Chinese friend's home. Both he and his wife are university administrators. They settled the account for me: After Obama assumed office, their family, under the pressure of high taxes, has been closing in on becoming part of the poor class. In reality, the “big rice bowl,” or the extreme egalitarianism of Western welfare populism, has already taken a different form to create social inequality.

Greece's current crisis is a classic manifestation of this sort of predicament. America's welfare populist problems are further aggravated by racial and immigration issues. In America's current situation, Hispanic Americans make up 15 percent of the United States’ total population, while African Americans account for 12 percent. Of Asian descendants, the Chinese population has grown from more than 1,000,000 people 10 years ago to 4,000,000 today, not including illegal immigrants. Americans themselves have even said that if things continue like this, in 30 years’ time Caucasians could very well become a minority.

While the social status of America's ethnic minorities is overall not very high, their population growth is extremely rapid. Pluralist democracy's tenet of “one person, one vote” allows vulnerable groups to control partisan states, and politicians do not dare to offend them. Freedom, human rights and social democracy all incline toward vulnerable groups; this originally was a good thing, but the burden of this on the middle class is heavy. A friend told me that one-third of his salary is paid to the government in taxes. America's overall competitive strength has been crippled because of this; the United States is tied down by social welfare and the heavy burden of insurance.

But no one is willing to touch upon this sensitive topic. Of course, America's current success is historically built upon the tribulations, sacrifices and contributions of minority groups; Caucasians also hold the complex emotions of a guilty conscience. Amongst these lie the difficult "politically correct" issues that concern protecting vulnerable groups.

How does one deal with this welfare populist challenge? Right now, it is difficult to find a solution. This is precisely the location of America's deep predicament. When I first visited the United States in 1998, the friend accompanying me quietly discussed the gravity of this issue with me. Fourteen years later, friends in four different cities all coincidentally and privately raised this issue with me. The gravity of this visible trend is already receiving the attention and concern of more and more people.

On the last day of my seminar at Penn State, I raised this issue seeking the opinions of American scholars. Amongst those in attendance were top scholars from Penn State's Wharton School of Business. I asked, in the face of this welfare populism, what are your options? They all replied that there are no options. I jokingly said that if the United States wants to get out of this predicament, there appear to be four options.

The first option is a KKK-style "conservative armed counter-revolution" that would completely break the rules of contemporary democracy. But this, in fact, is simply not possible.

The second option is a high-tech revolution that would support and provide for all vulnerable groups. But this, in fact, is also impossible. Even if it were possible, it would only perpetuate contradictions, not fundamentally resolve the issues. Under the present system, it would also further stimulate a greater influx of immigrants from poor countries to the United States seeking to reap the benefits. Furthermore, the flow of wealth created by this advanced technology would be the same as the flow of wealth created after the Industrial Revolution: It would still primarily flow toward the elite high-tech class, not into the hands of the middle class and the general public. Most people are still unable to reap the benefits of the high-tech revolution.

The third option is that politicians adopt policies that appear on the surface to be populism, but are essentially conservatism, using left-wing slogans to come to power and acting with a right-wing mentality. We Chinese people would call this "appearing left, acting right." Some politicians in developed countries are currently taking this route. But because a majority of voters would still block any structural changes, the above-mentioned trend is also very difficult to change.

The final possibility is also the most impossible: The rest of the world becomes more prosperous and more open than the United States, so that all of the black and Hispanic immigrants mass-migrate out of the United States, allowing the U.S. to become a purely white country. Of course, everyone knows that this is impossible. I was only using the logic of "reductio ad absurdum" to justify my point.

America's misfortune lies in that when the U.S. most needs to extricate itself from this welfare populist trap: Obama — as America's historically most left, most radical presidential candidate — instead benefited from upholding the welfare populist system through receiving the abundant votes of the masses, took advantage of the situation and rose to power. After he took office, he still largely implemented left-wing policies, causing the issue to further intensify. When America most needed to improve the overall competitive dynamic of society, he instead launched a “big rice bowl”-style comprehensive health care reform program. To put it nicely, this is an idealism of the American dream; to put it bluntly, this is a requirement for Obama to establish his place in history. If you want to achieve Obama-esque personal goals, than you must sacrifice America's most precious item: its competitive vitality. Furthermore, funding can only be accumulated through increasing taxation on the middle class; this is like adding salt to the wounds of an already plighted middle class. Not one of the deep-seated contradictions has been resolved, yet I estimate that he will still be able to get re-elected. [Translator's note: Obama was successfully re-elected president in the Presidential Election of Nov. 2012.] It appears that the welfare populist trap will only sink deeper and deeper.

My overall opinion is that American civilization lacks a self-protection mechanism. If a civilization is excessively open to the outside world and allows large numbers of mixed groups to enter its borders, yet does not have the integrated efforts of an institutional culture to integrate them, then the special qualities of this civilization will be watered down, and in the course of time it will turn into another thing entirely. This mode of thinking seems to be not quite politically correct, but it is the reality of the situation.

Perhaps you may think that my realistic impression of the United States is a bit pessimistic. A letter from my friend said that even if elite immigrants are flocking [to the U.S.], the venerated American paradise of "democracy peddlers" will inevitably decline; where is the paragon of social development then?

The weakening of America's national power is no good thing for China. As most people know, the continuous weakening of the U.S. dollar causes China's large share of U.S. bonds to continuously depreciate. Once America becomes unable to repay this debt, it will generate a devastating blow for the global economy, and the injury to China will undoubtedly be extremely grave. Thirty years' worth of hard-earned money belonging to the ordinary people of China has been exchanged for U.S. bonds; today, it could very well become a source of funding for Obama's national health reform and a stepping- stone for Obama to make his place in history. To think of it makes the heart ache.

Every type of system has its own problems. Americans are currently sinking into "the prisoner's dilemma," wherein nobody wants to influence their own interests, yet nobody is willing to fundamentally resolve the new inequality borne out of brotherly love through stimulating social competitive strength. The president is also a beneficiary of this trend.

I certainly do not think that America's future will necessarily be a bleak one. This mighty nation, having experienced so many tribulations, having offered so many great contributions to humanity, will also explore new routes out of this predicament.

However, for us Chinese people, this matter can allow us to more completely and rationally understand the difficulties and prospects of the United States and the West and it is beneficial to our own self-adjustment; from it we can derive inspiration. From observing this shift, we should search out the elements that cannot emerge in China and look for those that are worth preparing for. We must set aside the century-old romantic thinking of Chinese people, namely that we must find a direction and a model in foreign countries and then blindly follow suit. Often, we first have a blueprint to carry out construction accordingly. The results are neither fish nor fowl; our study of the Soviet Union in the 1950s is a case in point.

This article was written on May 23, 2012. On Oct. 15, 2013, the author added:

Before sending this article for publication, I learned from televised news sources that an English housewife can receive 900 pounds a month in subsistence allowances, through which her family can live a very comfortable life. According to British welfare standards, her family will soon move into a new apartment valued at 500,000 pounds, built through the money of taxpayers. This has caused a public outcry. This type of occurrence is all too common in Western countries. More than a year ago, I discussed the plight of welfare populism. My predictions have unfortunately been realized, and are moreover worsening.

The author is a professor in the history department at Shanghai Normal University. This article has been chosen to be included in the 2014 publication "My Thought Journal, Volume II"; it was originally sent in a letter to a friend.


美国的国势走弱对于中国并非好事。众所周知,美元持续走弱,使中国持有的巨额美债不断贬值,一旦美国无力支付债务,将对全球经济造成灾难性的打击,中国所受到的伤害无疑将..
 
2012年5月初,我在宾州大学开了两天会,走了费城、华盛顿、普林斯顿、纽约四个地方,见了一批二十年前的老朋友,听了一场费城交响乐团的音乐会,去了西点军校,还看了纽约九一一纪念遗址与曼哈顿广场。

  从表面上看,美国还不错,但从长远来看,我感觉到,美国走向衰落已经成为基本趋势。这与资本主义好像没什么关系,而与欧美国家共同面临的一种矛盾有关,我把这种病症称为“福利民粹主义综合征”。

  可以说,福利主义加上民粹政治,是二十一世纪发达国家困境的根源。普罗大众总是多数,社会福利政策使他们成为广大受益者,全民普选使他们手中的 选票成为决定社会命运的大多数,当经济陷入困境时,国家如果要减缩福利,就要影响他们的实际利益,他们就会用选票把主张改革的人选下去,让那些坚持福利主 义政策的高调派上台。如果你想要得到选票上台执政,那你就只有迎合他们,然而这样的话,社会矛盾始终就无法得到解决。

  普罗大众过高的福利要求已经对中产阶级造成巨大冲击。我在美国住在一个中国朋友家里,他家两口都是大学里的办事员。他们给我算了一笔账,奥巴马 上台后,他们家在高额税收的压力下,生活已经接近于贫民阶层了。实际上,西方福利民粹主义的“大锅饭”已经以另一种形式造成社会的不公平。

  希腊现在的危机就是这种两难的典型表现。美国的福利民粹主义问题,还由于种族与移民问题而变本加厉。现在美国的情况是,拉美裔占美国总人口的 15%,黑人占总人口的12%,亚裔中的中国人从十年前的一百多万,达到现在的四百多万,还不包括非法移民。长此以往,三十年后,美国人自己也说,白人族 群很可能成为少数民族了。

  美国少数族裔整体上社会地位不高,但人口增长速度极快。多元民主政治的一人一票,让弱势群体掌握大票仓,政客谁也不敢得罪他们。自由、人权与社 会民主向弱势人群倾斜,本来是好事,但中产阶级负担很重。一位朋友说,他的三分之一收入被当作税赋交给政府了,美国的整体竞争力因此而被削弱,社会福利与 保险的沉重负担拖累了美国。

  但谁也不敢碰这样的敏感话题。当然,美国现在的成功包含着少数族群在美国历史上的苦难、牺牲与贡献,白种人也有一种包含内疚感的复杂情感在内。其中还有难碰的保护弱势民族的“政治正确”问题。

  如何应对这种福利民粹主义的挑战?现在很难找到解决的办法。这正是美国深刻的困境所在。1998年我第一次去美国时,陪同我的一位朋友就悄悄与 我谈及这个问题的严重性,十四年后,四个城市的朋友在私下里不约而同地提到这个问题。可见这个趋势的严重性已经受到越来越多的人的关注与忧虑。

  在宾州大学最后一天的讨论会上,我把这个问题提了出来,向美国学者请教。在座的包括宾州大学沃顿商学院的顶级学者,我说,面对我所说的福利民粹主义,你们有什么办法?他们都说没有办法。我带着开玩笑的口气说,美国要走出这个困境,看来有四条路。

  第一条路,是出现三K党式的“保守主义的武装反革命”,把现行民主政治的规则彻底打破。但这事实上根本不可能。

  第二条路,是出现一场高科技的革命,把所有弱势人群养起来。但这在事实上也是不可能的,即使有可能,也只能延续矛盾,不能根本解决问题,在现行 体制下,还会进一步刺激更大量的移民从落后国家涌入美国,来分享成果。而且,高科技创造的财富与工业革命后的财富流向一样,仍然是主要流入高科技精英层, 到不了中产阶级与一般民众手中。多数人仍然无法从高科技革命中分享多少利益。

  第三种选择是,政治家采取表面是民粹主义、实质上是保守主义的政策,以左派口号上台,做右派的事。用我们中国人的话来说就是“形左实右”,发达国家一些政客现在走的就是这条路。但由于多数选民仍然会阻止任何结构性的改变,上述大趋势也就很难改变。

  最后一个可能,也是最不可能的可能,就是全世界发展得比美国还富裕,还开放,以至于黑人与拉美移民大量移出美国,让美国成为纯白人的国家。当然,大家都知道这是不可能的,我不过是在使用一种逻辑学上的“归谬法”来论证我的观点而己。

  美国的不幸在于,当美国最需要跳出这种福利民粹主义陷阱时,奥巴马作为美国历史上最左、最激进的总统候选人,却得益于坚持福利民粹主义制度的大 众手中的丰富票源,而趁势上台,上台后,仍然大行左派方针,使问题变本加厉。当美国最需要提升社会总体竞争活力时,他却逆势推出“大锅饭”式的全面医保改 革方案。说得好听点,这是一种美国梦的理想主义,说得难听点,这是奥巴马青史留名的需要。要实现奥氏的个人目标,就必须牺牲美国最宝贵的东西,就是它的竞 争活力。并且,要通过对中产阶级进一步加税才能积聚资金,这对本来就处于困境的中产阶级可谓雪上加霜。深层次的矛盾一个都没有解决,估计他还能再连选连任 (编按:奥巴马在2012年11月的美国大选中成功连任总统),看来福利民粹陷阱只能越陷越深了。

  我总的感觉是,美国文明已经缺乏一种自我保护机制。一种文明如果过度向外部开放,让异质人群大量进入其中却又没有体制文化自身的整合力量来融合他们,这种文明的特质就会淡化,久而久之就会变成另一种东西。这种想法看上去好像政治上不那么正确,但却是现实。

  也许你们觉得我对美国的现实印象描述,让人有点悲观,一位来信朋友说,如果连移民精英们都趋之若鹜、“民主小贩”们仰慕的天堂国家美国都必然衰落,那么社会发展的楷模在哪儿呢?

  美国的国势走弱对于中国并非好事。众所周知,美元持续走弱,使中国持有的巨额美债不断贬值,一旦美国无力支付债务,将对全球经济造成灾难性的打 击,中国所受到的伤害无疑将是非常严重的。中国老百姓三十多年来的血汗钱,换为美国的公债,如今很有可能变成奥巴马全民医改的资金来源,成为奥巴马青史留 名的垫脚石。想想也怪心痛的。

  无论何种制度都会有自身的问题,美国人现在也陷入“囚徒困境”,谁都不想影响自己的利益,谁都不愿通过激发社会竞争力来根本解决博爱式的公平造成的新的不公平。总统本人也是这一趋势的得益者。

  我并不认为美国未来就一定悲观,这样一个伟大的民族,经历了那么多磨难,对人类作出过那么多伟大的贡献,他们也会探索出走出困境的新路来。

  不过,对于我们中国人来说,这件事可以让我们更全面、更理性地认识美国与西方的困难与前景,有利于我们调整自己,从中获得启示。我们应该找出其 中哪些是中国不会出现的,那些是值得中国未雨绸缪的。我们要摆脱百年来中国人的一种浪漫思维,即总要在外国中找一个方向与样板,然后依样画葫芦。往往是先 有蓝图,再依图施工,结果是不伦不类,上世纪五十年代学苏联就是例子。

  本文写于2012年5月23日。2013年10月15日附记:

  文章送发表前,从电视新闻中得知,英国一位只生孩子不工作的妇女,每月可以稳拿900英镑的生活补贴,全家可以过上很舒心的日子。根据英国福利 标准,她的全家不久后将搬入价值50万英镑、由纳税人的钱建设起来的新公寓中去。于是舆论大哗。这样的事在西方国家太普遍了。我一年多前讲的福利民粹主义 的困境,实在是不幸而言中,而且还在变本加厉。

  (作者系上海师范大学历史系教授,本文选自作者将于2014年出版的《我的思想日记》第二卷,原为作者致友人信)

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