Obama, Raul Castro and South Africa

Published in La Prensa
(Nicaragua) on 15 December 2013
by Carlos Alberto Montaner (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sean P. Hunter. Edited by Bora Mici.
Granma* did not print Obama's speech in South Africa. It was humiliating for Raul Castro. Following the protocol of handshakes, Obama explained that we must not invoke Mandela's name in vain. It would not be acceptable to celebrate the leader's life and works and harass those who adhere to different ideas from the official ones. This would be called hypocrisy.

When he read his speech, without intending to, Raul gave credence to Obama. Without any reserves, he celebrated diversity as if he were presiding over Switzerland. As he was speaking, repression against democrats in Cuba raged with beatings, kicks and jail time. The spectacle embodied the platonic idea of hypocrisy.

To understand Cuba, it makes sense to look at South Africa. There are many similarities between the extinct apartheid and Castro's dictatorship. Both systems were erected on ludicrous theories that led to abuse and authoritarianism.

The South African apartheid was inspired by the disgraceful American tradition of racial segregation, which was built upon the sophism of "two separate but equal societies," a model that originated with the supposed superiority of whites, forged with the copious Jim Crow legislation in hand. When the National Party of South Africa made this its philosophy in 1948 and afterward fragmented the country into black territories, the horror began.

The Cuban dictatorship, in turn, sustains itself on Marxist-Leninist superstitions. The Communists have the exclusive privilege of organizing the Cuban coexistence. Even the constitution says so. They are sheltered by the certainty of "scientific" superiority. There can be no other voices because, through the Party, they are the vanguard of the proletariat, the class upon which the fabric of history articulates itself. Who knows why?

That infamous South Africa, fortunately gone, was basically divided into two racial castes: on one side, the whites, with all the rights and privileges, and on the other, the blacks and mulattoes, subjugated to second class — they were not even citizens.

Cuba is divided into two ideological castes: the Communists and their "revolutionary" sympathizers, fitted with all the rights, as opposed to the opposition, described as worms and scum and treated and mistreated with great contempt: They are even banned from university studies because it has been persistently stated that "the university is for revolutionaries."

The defenders of racial segregation and South African apartheid legislated on people's sentiments. One could not love someone of another race. One could not have sexual relations with them. Interracial marriage was not popular — not even caresses and kisses.

The defenders of the Cuban dictatorship decreed that one cannot have affectionate ties to exiles, political prisoners or opposition members. Ties were broken between parents and children, between siblings, between friends. Sometimes couples broke up.

Marriages with foreigners were not looked upon as good. The odd category of "hostile" was created. The political police spied on the wives of Communist, civil and military leaders in order to inform them of any adultery.

The revolution was also the owner of women's groins.

Before the horror of apartheid, numerous nations began to push for regime change. It had to be done. It was the decent thing to do: Do away with that disgusting rubbish and peacefully substitute it with a pluralistic system based on agreement, democracy and equality under the law.

To achieve that, a United Nations-funded economic embargo was put into place. Faced with international pressure, the white government of Pretoria raised a ruckus and invoked its peculiar laws and constitution. It said it was exercising the sovereign right to self-determination, but no one paid it any mind. Above that vile, "nationalistic" alibi was decency: The black population could not be mistreated with impunity as if it were made of up animals.

Finally joining in was the United States, which was cowardly indecisive over the international embargo against South Africa. Cuba is one of the few countries on the planet that it [the U.S.] pressures in the economic field with the objective of changing a totalitarian and unjust regime to a democratic, pluralistic and inclusive one. This makes sense — to help these people be free, like what happened in South Africa. I suppose that, according to Obama, that would be the best way to honor Mandela.

*Editor's Note: Granma is the Cuban Communist Party's newspaper.


Granma no reprodujo el discurso de Barack Obama en Sudáfrica. Era humillante para Raúl Castro. Tras el protocolar apretón de manos, Obama explicó que no se debía invocar en vano el nombre de Mandela. No era aceptable celebrar la vida y la obra del líder desaparecido y perseguir a quienes sostienen ideas diferentes a las oficiales. Eso se llama hipocresía.

Raúl, cuando leyó su discurso, sin proponérselo, le dio la razón a Obama. Sin ningún recato celebró la diversidad como si él presidiera la Confederación Helvética. Mientras hablaba, en Cuba se recrudecía la represión contra los demócratas a golpes, patadas y calabozos. El espectáculo encarnaba la idea platónica de la hipocresía.

Para entender a Cuba es razonable acercarse a Sudáfrica. Hay muchas similitudes entre el desaparecido apartheid y la dictadura de los Castro. Los dos sistemas se erigieron sobre disparatadas teorías que conducían al atropello y el autoritarismo.

El apartheid sudafricano se nutría de la vergonzosa tradición norteamericana de la segregación racial, edificada sobre el sofisma de “dos sociedades iguales, pero separadas”, modelo originado en la pretendida superioridad de los blancos, forjado con la copiosa “legislación de Jim Crow” en la mano. Cuando el Partido Nacional de Sudáfrica, en 1948, hizo suya esa filosofía, y posteriormente fragmentó el país en bantustanes, echó las bases del horror.

La dictadura cubana, a su vez, se sustenta en las supersticiones del marxismo-leninismo. Los comunistas tienen el privilegio exclusivo de organizar la convivencia cubana. Lo dice, incluso, la Constitución. Los ampara la certeza de la superioridad “científica”. No puede haber otras voces, porque ellos, a través del Partido, son la vanguardia del proletariado, esa clase sobre la que se articula, no se sabe por qué, el devenir de la historia.

Aquella infame Sudáfrica, felizmente desaparecida, estaba básicamente dividida en dos castas raciales: de una parte los blancos, con todos los derechos y privilegios, y de la otra los negros y mestizos, súbditos de segunda categoría (ni siquiera eran ciudadanos).

Cuba está dividida en dos castas ideológicas: los comunistas y sus simpatizantes “revolucionarios”, dotados de todos los derechos, frente a los indiferentes y los opositores, calificados como gusanos o escoria, y tratados y maltratados con el mayor desprecio. Incluso, se les veda el acceso a los estudios universitarios porque se ha proclamado, insistentemente, que “la universidad es para los revolucionarios”.

Los defensores de la segregación racial y del apartheid sudafricano legislaron sobre los sentimientos de las personas. No se podía amar a una persona de otra raza. No se podía tener relaciones sexuales con ella. No era posible el matrimonio interracial. Ni siquiera las caricias y los besos.

Los defensores de la dictadura cubana decretaron que no se podía tener vínculos afectuosos con exiliados, presos políticos u opositores. Se rompieron los lazos entre padres e hijos, entre hermanos, entre amigos. A veces se quebraron las parejas.

Los matrimonios con extranjeros no eran bien vistos. Se creó la extraña categoría del “desafecto”. La policía política vigilaba a las mujeres de los cabecillas comunistas, civiles y militares, para notificarles a los maridos cualquier adulterio. La revolución también era la dueña de la entrepierna de las mujeres.

Frente al horror del apartheid, numerosos países comenzaron a presionar para producir un cambio de régimen. Había que hacerlo. Era lo decente: acabar con esa viscosa bazofia y sustituirla pacíficamente por un sistema plural basado en el consenso, la democracia y la igualdad ante la ley. Para lograrlo se produjo un embargo económico auspiciado por la ONU.

Ante el acoso internacional, el gobierno blanco de Pretoria puso el grito en el cielo e invocó sus leyes y su constitución peculiares. Decía ejercer su derecho soberano a la autodeterminación, pero no le hicieron caso. Por encima de esa vil coartada “nacionalista” estaba la decencia: no se podía maltratar impunemente a la población negra, como si estuviera compuesta por animales.

Estados Unidos, que vaciló, cobardemente, ante el embargo internacional contra Sudáfrica, finalmente se sumó. En el caso cubano es uno de los pocos países del planeta que presiona en el terreno económico con el objeto de cambiar un régimen totalitario e injusto por otro democrático, plural e incluyente.

Eso es lo coherente. Contribuir a que ese pueblo se libere, como sucedió en Sudáfrica. Supongo que, según Obama, esa es la mejor manera de honrar a Mandela.
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