With America’s ‘Thousand-Ship Navy’ Who Is Getting Pulled Along?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 September 2014
by Gao Feng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joe Matthews. Edited by Eva Langman.
U.S. Chief of Naval Operations Jonathan Greenert believes that the growth of the Chinese navy is forcing other nations to expand their power to resist. He said it is reasonable to discuss putting together a “thousand-ship navy” which could include India, Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, New Zealand, Australia, South Korea, the Philippines and other countries. The navy would take ships and resources from each country in order to preserve existing maritime global trade networks.

America’s concerns regarding Chinese strategy stem from two areas: First, China’s expanding economic power and influence is causing America to become marginalized in the political and economic landscape of the West Pacific region; secondly, due to China’s economic development, the U.S. is searching for a new identity consistent with its economic and military strength. With these two models of development considered together, America is feeling an unprecedented threat to its ability to maintain control — act as hegemonic power — in the region.

Actually, if it is already true that America can’t rely on its own strength to contain the rise of China, then creating a new great power relationship with China would already be considered a compromise with China by hawks in America. This has led to discordant views on how to deal with the rise of China, and it will be difficult for American leaders to reach a consensus. America believes that if it allows its hegemonic status in Asia to become unstable, it will naturally trigger a global chain reaction of challenges to its power.

In reality, there are already challenges to America in the Middle East and South Asia, as well as in Eastern Europe and Ukraine. If it stubbornly seeks to continue to constrain China, then it will find it quite difficult to ward off what would be a “three-pronged” attack. In particular, new problems in Ukraine have led to general problems in Russia-U.S. relations, and it is already being dubbed a beginning of a “new Cold War.” Compared with this latest issue, territorial sovereignty issues in the West Pacific have relatively little importance to America’s status as a global hegemonic power. Even now, when events in Ukraine are entering a passive phase, America continues to speak wildly about inhibiting Chinese strategic ambitions — ignoring the important while emphasizing the trivial — and propagating clearly wild suspicions.

When you list all of America’s Asia-Pacific allies and potential allies, except for Japan, the Philippines and Australia, what other countries would be willing to participate in an American-led strategic force is still an unknown variable. America has tried to use regional disputes to get these countries to acquiesce, but it may be overplaying the influence these disputes could have in creating regional cohesiveness, even for America’s stalwart allies Australia and Japan.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, besides the Philippines, is not going to want to choose between China and the U.S. Especially in these times of military tension, the organization won’t want to fall in line with any side’s military forces. Furthermore, China’s cooling economy and defense strategies aren’t so scary to ASEAN members, no matter what America thinks. In fact, increasing cooperation and a strong relationship with China will help these countries’ economic development.

Among the countries the U.S. hopes to enlist in order to contain China, India is one of the strongest. India also has some concerns over China’s growing military presence in the Indian Ocean, as well as a border dispute with China that won’t be easily solved. However, this isn’t concrete proof that India will help the U.S. counter China. India is currently in the middle of historic economic development and military growth, with an uncertain strategic direction. America might possibly even fear India in the future, as it is also unsure of India’s strategic goals.

While India aims to become the prime authority in the Indian Ocean region, the current leader in the region is still America, so India will need a clear and obvious reason to expand and develop its naval presence there. Ironically, it is the “China threat” theory championed by America that can provide this convenient excuse. We should realize that India’s building of an aircraft carrier port and operation of bases in the Andaman Island chains, while ostensibly in response to China, will actually help India gradually establish strategic control over a chokepoint into the Indian Ocean.

America’s strategic re-balancing toward the Asia-Pacific, meant to contain China, is already seeing difficulties in implementation. Now, the idea of a “thousand-ship navy” has also been discarded, and besides the lack of a certain degree of trust between the region’s nations, financial expenditures also represent a large problem. During this time of American pressure to provide funds domestically, other countries are also reconsidering their ability to help; especially if the goal is seen as meant for American self-interest. No country wants to risk its economy because of the questionable concepts within the “China threat” theory.


美国海军作战部长乔纳森•格林纳特上将认为,中国的海军扩建正在促使其他国家发展对抗性力量。他说,讨论建立一支拥有1000艘舰船的联合海军是合理的,这支海军将包括印度、新加坡、印尼、马来西亚、越南、新西兰、澳大利亚、韩国和菲律宾等国家的资产,这些国家的目的只是维护世界贸易所依赖的海上秩序。

美国对于中国的战略担忧来自两方面:一是中国日益增长的经济影响力让美国在西太政治经济格局中的主导作用区域边缘化;其二是中国以经济发展成果为支撑正在打造与其身份和利益相符的军事力量。两种模式的发展齐头并进,让美国深感其亚太霸权的稳固性遭受前所未有的威胁。

事实上,如今的美国已经无法靠自身的的力量遏制中国的崛起势头,与中国构建新型大国关系在美国鹰派的眼里又被视为对中国的妥协。这导致在如何处理中美战略分歧上,美国国内难以达成一致性。美国认为,如果美国的亚洲霸权动摇,那么必然会引发全球性的连锁反应。

而实际上目前中东和南亚的乱局加上东欧乌克兰的 动荡,如果还要固执地坚持遏制中国战略,三面出击的美国很难招架得住。尤其是乌克兰局势导致的俄美对抗,已被看成是“新冷战”的开始。相比东欧乌克兰,西 太的海洋主权争端对于美国霸权战略的影响要小得多。在乌克兰问题陷入严重被动的时候,美国还在遏制中国战略上玩嘴炮,避重就轻博面子的嫌疑是很明显的。

在美国军方罗列的亚太区域盟友和潜在盟友阵列中,除了日本、菲律宾和澳大利亚之外,其他国家是否会迎合美国战略倡导还是个未知数。美国一直在试图激化区域矛盾来逼迫这些国家就范,但是很可能过分看重了这些矛盾对亚太区域合作紧密性的影响,这其中包括美国的铁杆盟友澳大利亚和日本。

东盟国 家除了菲律宾之外,其他国家都不愿意在中美之间选边站队。尤其是中美关系如果向军事对抗方向发展时,他们都不会愿意上任何一方的战车冲锋陷阵。而且中国温 和的经济和安全战略在东盟国家眼里并没有美国描绘的那么可怕,与中国建立良好的国家关系反而还会促进这些国家的经济发展。

印度是美国指望联合遏华的国家中整体实力最强的国家之一,对中国可能向印度洋的军 事扩张表达了担忧,同时中印之间还有边界问题一时难以解决。但这都不会是印度跟随美国对抗中国的辩证理由。印度正在抓住有利历史时期发展经济、壮大军事实 力,而印度将来的战略方向,恐怕美国自己也未必放心。

印度志在印度洋主导权,而目前主导印度洋霸权的是美国,所以要想大规模发展海军计 划,印度需要一个堂而皇之的理由。美国鼓吹的“中国威胁论”恰巧给了印度一个很好的借口。我们应该看到,印度在孟加拉湾建设新航母基地并重点经营安达曼群 岛基地,表面上是针对中国,实际也是逐步控制印度洋咽喉要道的战略步骤。

美国打造遏华包围圈的亚洲再平衡战略已经举步维艰。现在抛出千舰联合围堵战术,除 了区域国家战略信任度的因素影响之外,资金支撑也是一个很大的难题。美国现在预算捉襟见肘,其他国家也要考虑自身的实力,毕竟为了美国霸权的一己之私是要 付出真金白银的。被一个似是而非的“中国威胁论”拖垮经济,是任何一个国家都不愿意看到的。(作者是军事评论员,自由撰稿人)

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Russia: Political Analyst Reveals the Real Reason behind US Tariffs*

Austria: Donald Trump Revives the Liberals in Canada

Venezuela: Vietnam: An Outlet for China

Germany: Absolute Arbitrariness

Topics

Austria: Donald Trump Revives the Liberals in Canada

Germany: Absolute Arbitrariness

Israel: Trump’s National Security Adviser Forgot To Leave Personal Agenda at Home and Fell

Mexico: The Trump Problem

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Venezuela: Vietnam: An Outlet for China

Russia: Political Analyst Reveals the Real Reason behind US Tariffs*

Related Articles

Mexico: The Trump Problem

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Venezuela: Vietnam: An Outlet for China

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

India: World in Flux: India Must See Bigger Trade Picture