An Unappreciated President

Published in El País
(Spain) on 27 October 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Courtney Cadenhead. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Like it or not, the politics of the United States has international repercussions. The elections in less than two weeks for the House of Representatives and half of the Senate are extremely important and will set the tone for the final stage of Barack Obama´s presidency, as well as the race to see who will occupy the White House from 2017 onward.

Obama has serious popularity problems among citizens and his party members; many Democratic candidates have avoided having the president participate in their electoral events during the final stretch of their campaign that ends on Nov. 4 because they fear he will be more of a liability than an aid. Even though times have changed and the presidential figure no longer always enjoys universal respect, it is rare — as happened several days ago — that a large number of assistants at a meeting with Obama abandoned their seats when the president began to speak. Another sign of disenchantment: A survey by the influential journalism organization Politico indicates that even former President George W. Bush is considered to have been more efficient than Obama in terms of managing the federal government´s core responsibilities.

The president is running out of charisma; he suffers from accusations — by his opposition and sometimes his own ranks — that he lacks political initiative. He is criticized for his handling of the international crisis, and the perception of the current economic climate does not help his image either: He dealt adeptly with the worst of the crisis, and recovery numbers are in large part positive, but many citizens still have not noticed an increase in their purchasing power.

The design that the founders of the United States applied to the government´s balance of power and its reflection in popular understanding have made it relatively common for a president to govern with Congress dominated by his opposition. The performance of this legislative machine depends on negotiation, which has been hampered in the Obama administration. The extreme polarization, to which the Republican Party, kidnapped by its radical wing, has decidedly contributed, has carried the deadlock into some vitally important issues.

Republicans, who already control the House of Representatives, now have the Senate within reach. If they succeed, there will be repercussions in legislative, judicial and budgetary initiatives, and of course, in foreign policy. And it is likely that the impasse will worsen, impacting both national and international affairs during the two years that remain for Obama in the White House.


Guste o no, la política estadounidense repercute en la escena internacional. Las elecciones de dentro de dos semanas para renovar la Cámara de Representantes y la mitad de Senado son claves y marcarán la etapa final de la presidencia de Barack Obama y la carrera para ver quién ocupa la Casa Blanca a partir de 2017.

Obama tiene serios problemas de popularidad, entre los ciudadanos y entre los miembros de su partido: numerosos candidatos demócratas han evitado —en la recta final de la campaña que desemboca el próximo 4 de noviembre— la participación del presidente en sus actos electorales, porque temen que sea un lastre más que una ayuda. Y aunque las cosas han cambiado y la figura presidencial ya no siempre goza del respeto general, es infrecuente (como ocurrió hace unos días) que un número ostensible de asistentes a un mitin con Obama abandonara sus asientos cuando el presidente comenzó a hablar. Otra señal de desapego: una encuesta del influyente Politico señala que incluso el expresidente George W. Bush es considerado más eficaz que Obama a la hora de gestionar las funciones básicas del Gobierno federal.

Al presidente se le agota su carisma; sufre acusaciones de falta de iniciativa política desde la oposición y, a veces, desde sus propias filas; es censurado por su manejo de las crisis internacionales, y la percepción de la economía tampoco le ayuda: lidió bien con lo peor de la crisis, y los grandes números de la recuperación son positivos, pero muchos ciudadanos no notan aún un aumento de su poder adquisitivo.

El diseño que los fundadores de EE UU aplicaron al equilibrio de poderes y su reflejo en la intuición popular ha hecho que sea relativamente habitual que el presidente gobierne con el Congreso dominado por la oposición. El funcionamiento de la maquinaria legislativa depende de la negociación, muy mermada durante la Administración de Obama. La extrema polarización, a la que ha contribuido de manera decisiva el bloqueo de un Partido Republicano secuestrado por su ala radical, ha llevado la parálisis a algunos asuntos capitales.

Los republicanos, que ya controlan la Cámara de Representantes, tienen ahora a su alcance el Senado. Si lo logran, habrá repercusiones en las iniciativas legislativas, judiciales y presupuestarias, y desde luego en política exterior. Y es probable que aumente esa parálisis, con efectos nacionales y globales, en los dos años que le quedan a Obama en la Casa Blanca.
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