Extended Diet Session: Starting Anew on Security Bills

Published in Nishinippon Shimbun
(Japan) on 20 June 2015
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Chris Hennessy. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The government and ruling party have entered proceedings for a drastic extension of the current Diet session from its usual closing date of June 24.This is no doubt connected to the security bill currently under consideration.

At first, the Abe administration described a plan in which there would be 80 or more assigned hours of deliberation in a special lower house committee related to the bill. The bill was then to be passed by June 24 and enacted by early August in extended Diet sessions.

However, due to issues such as jeering and heckling of Abe, the special committee was suspended a number of times and the deliberation period has not been completed. Also, in the lower house’s Constitution Committee, three constitutional scholars have deemed the “bill to be unconstitutional,” which seems to have deepened suspicion of the bill by the Japanese public and led to a drastic determination that the session must be extended.

It appears the Abe administration is now aiming to lock into a strategy of cooperation with the Japan Innovation Party in order to pass the bill. Steamrolling the vote by including the Japan Innovation Party in amendment negotiations and not seeing it through with your own Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito majority coalition seems like a weak strategy.

As there are other important bills to be deliberated besides the security bill, there is a need for an extension to the current session. It might be practical to reemphasize the fact that the session will be extended for deliberations in order to also deepen understanding towards the security bill.

However, there is criticism from constitutional scholars, who say that “approval of the use of collective self-defense is unconstitutional,” and this criticism strikes at the very root of the security bill. Unless the Abe administration gives up on collective self-defense and rewrites the bill in full, it will be tough to change an “unconstitutional” assessment to a “constitutional” one. This is not an issue which can be cleared up with a simple revision.

The reason Abe is so hung up on the security bill now in the Diet is no doubt due to a speech he gave while visiting America in April in which he promised to have it done by summer. Prioritizing a ‘promise to America’ over the apprehensions of the Japanese citizens is putting the cart before the horse.

There is no need to drastically extend the Diet session using the security bill as the basis. Even worse, aiming to enact laws too early by steamrolling votes over and over again using a ‘power in numbers’ strategy should be out of the question.

The Abe administration should, with humility, open its ears to the scholarly determinations of the bill’s “unconstitutionality,” close the Diet session, and once the bill is scrapped, start over, this time by having a careful discussion about the Constitution itself.


政府と与党は、24日までの今通常国会の会期を大幅に延長する方向で調整に入った。安全保障関連法案の成立を確実にするためだ。

 安倍晋三政権は当初、関連法案を衆院特別委員会で80時間以上審議し、24日までに衆院を通過させ、8月初めまで延長した国会で成立させる日程を描いていた。

 しかし、安倍首相のやじ問題などで特別委が何度も中断し、審議時間は確保されていない。さらに衆院憲法審査会で参考人の憲法学者3人がそろって「法案は憲法違反」と指摘したことで、国民の法案への疑念が深まり、大幅延長が必要と判断したようだ。

 安倍政権は、法案成立の戦術として、維新の党との連携に狙いを定めたとみられる。自民、公明の与党だけで突き進むのではなく、修正協議を通じて維新の党を取り込み、強行採決の印象を薄めようという狙いなのだろう。

 安全保障以外の重要法案も審議中であり、一定の会期延長はやむを得ない面がある。また「安保法案への理解を深めるためにも、会期を延長して審議する」という主張も成り立つかもしれない。

 しかし、「集団的自衛権の行使容認は違憲」という憲法学者たちからの批判は、一連の安保法制の根幹部分に関わっている。安倍政権が集団的自衛権の行使をあきらめ、法案を全面的に書き換えない限り、「違憲」の評価を「合憲」に変えるのは難しい。多少の修正でクリアできる問題ではない。

 安倍首相が今国会での安全保障法案成立にこだわるのは、4月の米議会での演説で「この夏までに必ず実現させる」と約束したからではないか。国民の理解よりも「対米公約」を優先しているのだとすれば、本末転倒である。

 安全保障法案成立ありきの会期大幅延長は必要ない。ましてや「数の力」で強行採決を繰り返して早期成立を目指すのは論外だ。

 安倍政権は「法案は憲法違反」との指摘に謙虚に耳を傾け、国会を閉じていったん廃案にした上で、憲法論議からじっくりやり直すべきではないか。
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