Dialectics of China-US Relations: One Hundred Reasons for Conflicts, One Thousand Reasons for Cooperation

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 18 September 2015
by Wang Yi Wei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kartoa Chow. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Conflicts and cooperation coexist in China-U.S. relations. When counting conflicts, there have been numerous instances such as conflicts involving the South China Sea, cybersecurity, and the economy; when one tallies examples of cooperation, the same central issues can be found. This is the state of China-U.S. relations. China and the U.S. have one hundred reasons for conflict, but they also have one thousand reasons for cooperation. This is the hope for China-U.S. relations.

Turning conflict into cooperation and using cooperation to control disagreements have become the dialectics of the China-U.S. relationship. Today’s China-U.S relationship, for which three major factors are responsible, calls for leaders from both sides to skillfully utilize dialectics to guide and regulate the development of China-U.S. relations. The three factors are:

History: to avoid falling into the Thucydides trap of conflicts between a ruling power and a rising power, as well as other forms of tragedy involving great power politics;

Reality: to promote solutions for international and regional central issues, to safeguard effective functioning of current international systems; and

Future: to create a more inclusive, reasonable and sustainable world order.

In his upcoming visit to the U.S., Chinese President Xi Jinping will innovatively use dialectics at this juncture in the development of China-U.S. relations to reflect the three previously described factors.

Dialectic One: to resolve conflicts with cooperation. While the U.S. repeatedly accuses China over issues of cybersecurity, the Chinese, in the spirit of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit, express a willingness to cooperate with the U.S. in order to promote cooperation for combating cybercrime and cyberterrorism, protecting against third-party cyberattacks, and establishing international rules for cyberspace. Cooperation on cybersecurity will very likely become the highlight of President Xi’s U.S. visit.

Dialectic Two: to control disagreement through cooperation. The South China Sea is a central issue of relatively significant disagreement between China and the U.S., and has remained heated since the U.S. pivoted to Asia. However, China and the U.S. are pushing for talks on the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea in order to work together on crisis prevention at sea, communication with surface combatants, and avoiding misjudgment, so as to have relatively effective control over their disagreement.

Dialectic Three: to resolve the fallacy of world order. Henry Kissinger began his book “World Order” by stating that “there has never been a true ‘world order.’” In other words, the existing world order is order that is dictated regionally. As “The Tragedy of Great Power Politics” by John Mearsheimer asserts, there has never existed true world hegemony; even the U.S. is no exception. Pursuing and competing for world hegemony would lead to the tragedy of great power politics, in which the fallacy of world order lies in only being able to achieve regional order while pursuing the establishment of world order, therefore leading to the tragedy of world order. At the same time, Kissinger proposed the idea of “co-evolution” for China and the U.S., calling for China-U.S. cooperation to resolve the fallacy of world order.

In short, turning troubles and challenges into opportunities for cooperation, and constantly developing examples such as that on anti-corruption, will become the new normal for China-U.S. relations. Xi’s strategy toward the U.S. fully utilizes this dialectic, pushing China-U.S. relations forward, which can be summed up in this trilogy:

First is the foundation. The discussion on the U.S.-China Investment Treaty has motivated Chinese capital to migrate into several constituencies in the U.S., allowing the economic relations between both sides to deepen and become more holistic, consolidating their socioeconomic basis, and improving Capitol Hill’s opinion on China. Emphasizing the importance of the states and districts in the U.S. is Xi’s brilliant accomplishment. Seattle will be the first stop on his U.S. visit, where he will meet with local politicians, and attend the U.S.-China Governors’ Forum and the U.S.-China Entrepreneurs Forum, fully demonstrating the cohesiveness of Chinese citizens with those overseas and resuming his role as a charismatic diplomat from his visit to Iowa as the vice president of China.

Second is moderation. The key to new international relations between the two great powers of China and the U.S. is one characterized by 21st century win-win cooperation, realizing the “no conflict, no confrontation, mutual respect, and win-win cooperation” between the two countries, effectively controlling the strategic drift of China and the U.S., and pursuing the best while [purposely] avoiding the best [in order to maintain relations]. Moderation is the key.

Third is top down design. The Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific created by China and the U.S. is leading the establishment of world order. It is a top down design outside of the new relationship between China and the U.S that is leading the two countries to face world challenges together, heralding an era of win-win cooperation between the largest developing and the largest developed countries, the largest emerging and the largest hegemonic countries, and the most secular and most religious great powers.

Xi’s historic upcoming visit to the U.S. will provide a rare glimpse into the dialectics for China-U.S. relations, and an understanding of the three factors responsible for it. Countries around the world look forward to the successful completion of the visit.


   中美关系冲突与合作并存,要数落相互冲突,从南海问题、网络问题、金融问题,不一而足;与此同时,要统计相互合作,也可以从这些热点问题得到印证,这就是中美关系的现状。中美有一百个理由冲突,也有一千个理由合作。这就是中美关系的希望。

   化冲突为合作,以合作管控分歧,成为中美关系的辩证法。中美关系发展到今天,具有三大担当,呼吁中美领导人娴熟运用辩证法,引导、规范中美关系发展。 这三大担当是:

   历史担当 :避免陷入守成大国-崛起大国冲突的修昔底德陷阱,以及其他形形色色的大国政治的悲剧;

   现实担当 :推动国际与地区热点问题解决,维护现行国际体系的有效运作;

   未来担当 :开创更具包容、合理而可持续的世界秩序。

   习近平主席即将对美国的国事访问,就是在中美关系发展的节骨眼上,创新运用辩证法 ,体现上述三大担当。

   辩证法一 :以合作化解冲突。就是在美方不断就网络攻击问题指责中方之际,中国表示,愿同美国按照相互尊重、平等互利的精神,推动在打击网络犯罪、网络反恐,防范第三方网络攻击、制定网络空间国际规则等方面的合作。网络领域的合作很可能成为习近平主席访美亮点。

   辩证法二 :以合作管控分歧。南海问题是中美间分歧比较大的热点问题,自美国重返亚洲以来可谓高烧不断,然而中美也在推动南海行为准则(COC)的谈判,在海上危机预防,水面舰只联络、避免误判等领域进行合作,相对有效地在管控分歧。

   辩证法三 :化解世界秩序悖论。基辛格博士《世界秩序》开篇即写道,“从来不存在一个全球性的‘世界秩序’”(中文版,第IX页)。换言之,已有的世界秩序,都是地区主导的秩序。正如《大国政治的悲剧》断言从来不存在真正的全球霸权——美国也不例外,而对全球霸权的追求和角逐引发大国政治的悲剧——世界秩序的悖论就在于只能追求到区域性秩序却去追求建立世界秩序,故此引发世界秩序的悲剧。与此同时,基辛格博士提出中美“共同演化”(co-evolution)思路,呼吁中美合作化解世界秩序悖论。

   一言以蔽之,将麻烦与挑战转化为合作的机遇,不断开拓合作新亮点,比如反腐合作,成为中美关系的新常态。习近平主席的对美战略,正是充分运用好这一辩证法,推动中美关系不断前行,可以三部曲概括之 :

   一是抄底 ,中美投资协定的谈判,推动中国资本飞入美国各个选区,将中美经济关系更深入地、全方位铆合在一块儿,夯实中美社会经济基础,改善国会山对华舆论。重视美国州和地方,是习近平主席对美工作的鲜明亮点。此次习近平主席访美,首站西雅图,将会见美国地方政要,出席中美省州长论坛、中美企业家座谈会、充分发挥华人华侨的桥梁作用,再续作为副主席访问艾奥瓦州的魅力外交。

   二是固中 ,中美新型大国关系,是21世纪合作共赢为特征的新型国际关系的关键,实现中美“不冲突、不对抗、相互尊重、合作共赢”,有效管控中美战略漂移,既追求最好,又避免最好,固中是关键。

   三是顶层设计 ,中美开创亚太自贸协定,引导世界秩序创建,是中美新型大国关系之外的顶层设计,引导中美共同应对世界挑战,开创最大的发展中国家与最大的发达国家、最大的新兴国家与最大的霸权国家、最世俗的大国与最宗教化的大国合作共赢的时代先声。

   习近平主席即将对美国展开的历史性访问,为我们观察中美关系辩证法,领会中美关系的三大担当,提供了难得的窗口,世界各国都期待访问圆满成功。
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