US-China Relations: Affecting Asian Stability

Published in Nishinippon Shimbun
(Japan) on 29 September 2015
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Chris Hennessy. Edited by Rachel Pott.
The United States of America and China. What kind of relationship will the number one and number two economies in the world, as well as top two major military powers, build between each other? It is still difficult to predict the direction of the U.S.-China relationship, a relationship which directly affects the future of Asia.

President Obama and President Xi Jinping – who was on a state visit to the U.S. – held talks this week. Obama told Xi there were “significant concerns” with China’s land reclamation activities in the South China Sea. However, Xi disagreed on the issue and emphasized China’s right to “our own territorial sovereignty.”

On a different issue, both sides agreed on steps to avoid accidental midair military collisions. In the area of cybercrime – an area the U.S. in particular views as problematic – both sides agreed to refrain from the cybertheft of industrial secrets.

Both the U.S. and China gave the clear impression of wanting to avoid direct conflict without giving any concessions. Confrontation rather than cooperation was probably what stood out most in the talks.

The term “Thucydides Trap” has been used to describe the U.S.-China relationship in recent years. This term refers to the historical lesson associated with the ancient Greek historian Thucydides, a lesson which claims that an existing superpower and emerging one will inevitably collide.

Both Obama and Xi invoked the Thucydidean phrase in relation to the talks, stressing the need to avoid the Thucydides Trap. However, one has to wonder if the situation is really OK.

Unlike U.S.-Soviet relations during the Cold War, the U.S. and China are interconnected economically. There is a common understanding that if the two sides were to reach full-blown conflict, both sides would emerge at a loss. To that end, China’s provocative conduct with its seaward expansion encourages distrust from the United States.

U.S. strategy revolves around leading China toward superpower status, within the constraints of international law and using a combination of cooperation and containment. China is pursuing policies that will lead them into a “new model of great power relations.” In other words, China is demanding that it be recognized as the leading power of Asia and the U.S. is rejecting such a demand.

Will the two nations progress toward cooperation or will they steer toward conflict? The answer presents a significant crossroads for the prosperity of Asia. Japan, being aligned with the U.S., must occasionally work as an intermediary to foster stable growth in U.S.-China relations. In order to accomplish this end, the Japanese government should first make haste in improving Japan-China relations.


米国と中国-。世界経済1、2位を占め、軍事的にも強大な両国がどういう関係を築いていくのか。アジアの将来を左右する米中関係の行方は、まだ見通せない。

 米国のオバマ大統領と、訪米した中国の習近平国家主席が会談した。中国による南シナ海岩礁の埋め立てについては、オバマ氏が「重大な懸念」を伝えたが、習氏は「中国固有の領土だ」と正当化し、平行線をたどった。

 一方で、両政府は軍用機の偶発的な衝突を回避する措置で合意した。米国が強く問題視するサイバー分野では、双方が企業秘密などの窃盗行為はしないと確認した。

 米中両国とも「直ちに衝突するのは避けたいが、譲歩する気もない」という姿勢が鮮明になった。「協調」よりむしろ「対立」が目立つ会談だったと言える。

 近年、米中関係に関して「トゥキディデスのわな」という言葉が使われる。古代ギリシャの歴史家トゥキディデスの著述にちなみ「既存の大国と新興大国とは衝突する」という歴史の教訓を指す。

 今回の会談に関連してオバマ、習両氏がこの言葉を引用し、「トゥキディデスのわな」を回避する重要性を強調した。しかし、それは本当に大丈夫なのだろうか。

 冷戦下の米ソ関係と違い、米国と中国は経済的に密接に結びついており、本格的な衝突に至ればお互いに損をするという共通認識はある。その一方で中国が海洋進出などで示す強引な行動は、米国の不信を募らせている。

 米国の戦略は、協調と封じ込めを使い分けながら、中国を国際ルール順守の大国へと導くことだ。これに対し中国は米国に「新型の大国関係」を迫っている。言い換えれば「アジアでの中国の主導的立場を認めよ」という要求であり、米国はこの提案に否定的だ。

 両国が協調へ進むか、衝突に傾くかは、アジアの繁栄にとって重大な岐路となる。日本は米国と連携し、時に仲介役となって、安定的な米中関係構築を支援する必要がある。そのためにも、政府はまず日中関係の改善を急ぐべきだ。
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