Brazen North Korean Nuclear Weapons Test Challenges Limits of US and Chinese Tolerance

Published in Ming Pao
(Hong Kong) on 9 January 2016
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
With no prior warning, North Korea has conducted its fourth nuclear weapons test. While the detonation was purportedly from a hydrogen bomb according to Pyongyang, the United States and South Korea have both suggested that the explosion was only atomic in nature. Even so, North Korea's brazen nuclear weapons test in defiance of a United Nations ban is a clear violation of U.N. resolutions and must be met with severe censure and punishment. As the world scrutinizes this most recent test, many eyes have been fixated upon the debate as to whether or not the detonation truly originated from a hydrogen bomb, a misplaced focus that misses the forest for the trees. The simple fact is that whether hydrogen or atomic, if North Korea cannot proceed with its nuclear weapons tests in a responsible manner, trials of any weapons of mass destruction must be viewed as actions that challenge the very limits of U.S. and Chinese tolerance.

A Nuclear Capability without Responsibility Sparks Fears among Other Nations

It is not terribly difficult to produce nuclear weapons, and several nations possess the technology to do so. While China remains the sole nation with an official nuclear arsenal among its immediate neighbors, the production of such weapons can only be a matter of time given the scientific and technological capabilities of Japan and South Korea. Japan in particular has long maintained that it would be able to quickly acquire nuclear weapons capability in the event that its constitution of peace is overturned. Consequently, despite the existence of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, nuclear weapons technology and materials have flowed steadily into the hands of several states, including North Korea. Therefore, the true question lies not in which states are capable of producing nuclear weapons, but which ones are capable of wielding such power responsibly, with restraint instead of recklessness.

After China successfully detonated an independently developed and produced atomic bomb in 1964, Zhou Enlai in his capacity as premier of the State Council issued a public proclamation indicating that "China will not be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time or under any circumstances." While China was not a member of the United Nations at the time but a "Communist bamboo curtain state," in Western parlance, Zhou Enlai's statement resounded widely. Despite a wide ideological gap between China and many other nations, Beijing's responsible stance made a lasting impression. As for North Korea, its actions in recent years have clearly left most nations, including China, unconvinced of its sense of responsibility. Accordingly, the strong reactions to North Korea's repeated nuclear weapons tests are a result of concerns over whether North Korea can stand upon the world stage as a responsible nuclear state once so armed — a prospect that many find dubious at best.

Looking broadly at the Cold War era, the United States and the Soviet Union possessed nuclear weapon stockpiles sufficient to destroy the world many times over, including hydrogen bombs on the order of tens of millions of tons. Yet Washington and Moscow still set up a military hotline to forestall the widespread destruction that might result from misunderstandings, exhibiting some degree of responsibility toward our world. Accordingly, as a staunch ally of North Korea during the Korean War, keeping China in the dark about the most recent nuclear weapons test naturally seems in poor taste, and its strong response is entirely understandable.

Moreover, prior notification aside, if the weapon tested was indeed a hydrogen bomb as Pyongyang asserts, China's northeastern districts would have been placed in exceedingly close proximity to the blast, with the testing site a linear distance of approximately 100 kilometers (approximately 62 miles) from the Chinese border. As the yield of a hydrogen bomb obviously far surpasses that of its atomic brethren, any mishap during the test in the absence of any forewarning would have seen China's densely populated northeastern reaches bear the brunt of the fallout, with the potential consequences of the area becoming enshrouded in radiation terrible beyond imagining. And in a broader sense, if relations between North Korea and China should turn sour, many of China's major northeastern population centers would be within the operational range of the North Korean air force. It is because of this that the Chinese Foreign Ministry's response has been swift and resolute, as changing circumstances have made it necessary to make its position expressly clear.

The political blowback from the North Korean nuclear weapons test will be intense, and will very likely ignite an arms race in Northeast Asia. First, South Korea will undoubtedly ramp up its military spending, the United States will shift more troops and equipment to the Korean peninsula and China will bolster its troop strength throughout the Shenyang Military Region along the North Korean border. Most notably, Japan, which has vastly expanded its military in recent years, will also cite the "North Korean nuclear threat" in further adding to its forces, and while Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration will not go as far as to push for a Japanese atomic capability to match that of North Korea, it will still have justification enough for beefing up military expenditures. The test has inflated the crisis coefficient within Northeast Asia enough to make the region a volatile powder keg, a fact that does not bode well for any of the nations concerned.

Nuclear Weapons Test Provokes Arms Race: Northeast Asia Becomes a Powder Keg

The United States and the West have long said that China as an ally of North Korea has unmatched influence over it, but this most recent nuclear test has disproved such an outlook. China is in fact no different than other nations in having not received prior notice about the test from Pyongyang, and pushing responsibility for dealing with North Korea onto China's shoulders is neither a fair nor effective strategy. As many are aware, there is much that North Korea wishes of the United States, but as the United States is accountable to South Korea and Japan and thus cannot deal with North Korea directly, it wrongly leaves the task to others.

Turning specifically to the six-party talks aimed at discussing the North Korean nuclear weapons crisis, it would seem from this most recent episode that negotiations are not likely to resume in the short term. Even so, all states must find some method or channel through which they can initiate dialogue with North Korea, or else the reclusive state, having been thus isolated, will shed no tears as it burns the last few bridges remaining to it.


朝鮮在沒有預先通報之下舉行第四次核試,平壤聲稱這是「氫彈」試驗,美國及韓國則力指是原子彈試 驗;即便如此,朝鮮在聯合國禁令之下悍然核試,明顯違反相關決議,必須受到嚴厲譴責及制裁。世人看待朝鮮這次核試,不少人的目光放在是否氫彈的爭論,這是 只見樹木不見樹林的失焦,事實上,不論是氫彈抑或是原子彈,朝鮮若未能以負責任的態度繼續核試,即使試驗的是其他大殺傷力武器,都應視之為挑戰各國尤其是 中美兩國底線的行為。
擁有核武須負責任
否則易惹各國憂慮
製造核武並非極其困難,不少國家都有這 種技術,在我們周邊地區,雖然只有中國擁有核武,但日本及韓國以其科技水平,製出核武只是時間問題,尤其日本,一直被認為《和平憲法》一旦被推翻,核彈就 可馬上出爐。因此,縱然有核不擴散條約,但核武技術及原材料,一直源源不絕流到一些國家,包括朝鮮。是故這一命題的爭論,不在於誰能製核武,而是誰能負責 任地擁有核武,自我約制,不會亂用。
中國於1964年成功試爆自行研製的原子彈之後,周恩來以國務院總理名義發表公報,表示「在任何時候、 任何情况下,中國都不會首先使用核武器」。當時中國仍未是聯合國成員,而是西方所言的「共產主義竹幕國家」,周恩來這段聲明鏗鏘有力,世界各國儘管意識形 態與中國迥異,但北京的負責任態度一直為各國服膺。至於朝鮮,根據其過去多年的表現顯示,責任感仍未能為各國信服,包括中國在內。因此,當朝鮮一再試驗核 武,當即引起強烈反應,便是因為擔心朝鮮核武整軍入列,會否以一個負責的核武國身分站在世界舞台,惹人質疑。
睽諸冷戰年代,美國及蘇聯擁有 足以多次毁滅地球的核武庫,包括當量以千萬噸計的超級氫彈,但仍建立了華盛頓與莫斯科之間的軍事熱線,防止因誤會而玉石俱焚,某程度而言也是向世界負責的 態度。因此,作為韓戰時期的堅實盟友,中國今次在朝鮮核試前被蒙在鼓裏,自然很不是味兒,因此對核試反應強烈,完全可以理解。
中國除了不獲 事先告知核試,更因為倘若這次一如平壤所指是氫彈試驗,中國東北與試驗場地直線距離約百多公里,極為接近試驗地點。眾所周知,氫彈威力比原子彈巨大,倘若 試驗在沒有提出通報之下有所差池,人口密集的中國東北馬上首當其衝,遭到輻射物籠罩,後果不堪設想。再退一步說,中朝一旦交惡,東北大城多在朝鮮空軍作戰 範圍,因此中國外交部的反應快速並堅決,便是因着情勢變化而必須表達的態度。
朝鮮核試帶來的政治衝擊波巨大,可能引發東北亞軍事競賽惡性循 環。首先,韓國必會大增軍備支出,美國亦會增調部隊及設施到朝鮮半島,中國勢將在與朝鮮接壤的瀋陽軍區加強兵力。更值得留意的是,近年大舉增兵的日本,也 會藉「朝鮮核威脅」提升軍力,安倍晉三政府雖不至於也搞原子彈作為抗衡,增撥軍費卻大有理由。東北亞從此變成危機系數更大的火藥庫,於任何層次而言,絕對 不是區內各國之福。
核試引發軍備競賽
東北亞變成火藥庫
美國及西方長期有一種說法,即「中國是朝鮮盟友, 對朝鮮有無比影響力」,到了今次核試事件之後,這種說法已經破產。中國實是與其他國家一樣,核試前未獲平壤通知,把「說服」朝鮮的責任交給中國,既不公平 更無作用。眾所周知,朝鮮對美國一向有所期許,美國卻因為難以向韓國及日本交代,一時間無法與朝鮮搭上線,卻把溝通朝鮮的責任全推到別國身上,顯然說不過 去。
專門討論朝鮮核危機的六方會談,經此一役看來難以在短時間復會,不過,各國必須找出與朝鮮對話的方法或渠道,否則的話,朝鮮獨處一角,更會毫不回頭走上孤僻一途。
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