UK Wants to Leave EU Because It Was Hurt Too Much

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 26 February 2016
by Li Guanjie (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The British government has decided to hold an election, the EU referendum, on June 23 to decide whether the country will stay in the EU.

Unlike Germany and some other continental European countries, the British citizen-society has had a longer history and is therefore more powerful. The “little government, big society” setup in the United Kingdom has made public opinion more influential with regard to government policies. Britain’s decision to hold the EU referendum is partly due to pressure from the public. Supporters of the U.K. leaving the EU are increasing in number, with the latest monthly poll at more than 50 percent in favor, reflecting the British public’s distrust of and value differences with continental Europe.

The distrust the British have toward the EU could be traced back to when Britain first joined the Union. Britain is not part of the Schengen Area nor is it in the eurozone; it may not be firmly against a more tight-knit Europe, but reality has made the British feel they were unfairly treated.

In the 1960s, Britain applied to join the EU twice but was vetoed by France. When the Conservative Party ruled the country in the 1990s, Britain did join the European currency system in preparation for entering the eurozone. However, in 1992, “Black Wednesday” occurred, a downturn caused by Germany and France not helping the British currency crisis. The two incidents increased the resentment the British had toward the rest of Europe, and the Conservative Party changed from supporting the EU to being anti-EU. Now with David Cameron in power, the EU referendum is taking place.

When it comes to values, Britain has big differences with continental European countries; it can seem stubborn and unique, especially when it comes to an understanding of freedom. Britain has always advocated and practiced liberalism, enabling social forces to prosper. In medieval times, the British royalty did not have absolute power; instead, it was somewhat restrained. As the British Parliament developed, the role of the royals shrank even further. Since the end of the 17th century, Britain has had a joint governing system with the king, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons, demonstrating liberalism in the political arena. When it comes to the economy, Britain values a free market. The first industrial revolution occurred in England because the free market played a pivotal role. Britain has always maintained and practiced the spirit of the free market. Even as later-developing countries began to grow, Britain has never abandoned its core of liberalism. In British society, the nongovernmental organizations have always been powerful in a highly self-disciplined society, so the EU is seen as somehow reducing British freedom and not accepted by many British citizens.

The principle of “no permanent friends, only permanent interests” has long guided British diplomacy, favoring realism. When faced with practical interests, the British do not have an unwavering position; whatever helps the country receive real interests is the most practical solution. The potential loss of national interests has convinced more British people to leave the EU. When Britain first joined the EU, it wanted the large continental European market, but that market is not irreplaceable by Asia.


英国政府日前确定,将于今年6月23日举办决定英国是否推出欧盟的“退欧公投”。

  相较德国等 一些欧洲大陆国家,英国公民社会发育时间更久,力量也更为强大,“小政府,大社会”的格局使得政府决策往往受到民意的巨大影响。英国举行“退欧公投”因此 在某种程度上是舆论压力使然。“退欧”支持者占比近期不断上升,本月甚至一度超过50%,背后反映出的是英国民众内心对欧盟和一些欧洲大陆国家的高度不信 任以及价值观上的较大差异。

  英国人对欧盟的高度不信任得从英国加入欧共体一事谈起。英国不是申根区国家,也不是欧元区国家。英国并非坚决反对更紧密的欧洲一体化,但现实让一些英国人觉得自己遭受到不公待遇。

  上世纪60年代,英国两次申请加入欧共体,遭到法国一 票否决。英国1990年保守党执政时期加入欧洲汇率机制,原本为下一步加入欧元区做准备,却不料在1992年遭遇“黑色星期三”,原因是德法两个欧陆大国 对英镑危机未有一丁点援助。两相叠加,使得英国国内原本就有的疑欧情绪大增,保守党也从积极支持欧盟变成了“反欧盟”,到卡梅伦时代开始体现在具体政策 上,“退欧公投”就是个典型。

  从价值观上看,英国与欧陆国家有较大差异,有时甚至会显得特立独行、格格不入,这 比较突出地体现在对自由的认知上。英国一直以来是自由主义的倡导者和践行者,社会力量得到长足发展。在古代,英国王权从来不是绝对的,而是受到一定约束。 自议会发展起来后,王权进一步萎缩。17世纪末以来,英国形成了国王、上院、下院共同决策的治理体系,也是自由主义在政治领域中的具体体现。在经济领域, 英国更看重自由市场。第一次工业革命在英国发生也是因为自由市场起到了关键作用。英国一直保持和践行着“自由市场”的精神,即使是在后发国家普遍强化国家 力量的时代也从未放弃这种自由主义本质。在社会领域,英国非政府组织一直非常强大,社会自治程度较高。欧盟决策体系在某种程度上被认为是在削弱这种“英国 式自由”,让很多英国人无法容忍。

  “没有永远的朋友,只有永远的利益”是英国现实主义外交传统。在现实利益面前,英 国人没有固定不变的立场和原则,使国家获得实际利益才是最实际的。国家利益获得感的缺失,更坚定了很多英国人的“退盟”决心。英国当年加入欧共体的初衷就 是看中欧洲大市场,但如今这个欧洲市场并非不能被亚洲等地取代。(作者是上海外国语大学英国研究中心助理研究员)
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