South Korea Should Assess THAAD Rationally

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 25 February 2016
by Wang Haiyun (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Paul Lynch.
According to news reports, on Feb. 23 Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Washington D.C., with the two holding deep discussions on several topics including the North Korean nuclear issue. Following the meeting, Kerry indicated that the United States and South Korea had not yet reached a decision to deploy the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense missile defense system in South Korea, but on the following day, South Korean Blue House spokesman Jeong Yeon-guk stated that "[deploying the THAAD system in South Korea] is a matter to be decided in accordance with security and national interests, and China will have to recognize the point."

With North Korea's hydrogen bomb test and "satellite" launch coming in quick succession, there has been a palpably heightened sense of insecurity within South Korea in recent weeks. It has joined with the United States in a flurry of actions designed to intimidate North Korea, with the THAAD deployment plan being one such example. Responding on the issue, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying stated on Feb. 24 that China in its opposition "understands the ROK's reasonable security concerns, but no country can pursue its own security interests at the expense of others," and that deployment of the THAAD system would "have a direct impact on China's national security interests."

As someone who has had some contact with the South Korean national defense apparatus, as well as a scholar of international affairs who earnestly supports bolstering strategic cooperation between South Korea and China, I have found Seoul's actions puzzling.

First, what parties are at fault in allowing the North Korean nuclear issue to develop to the crisis state at which it stands today? Unquestionably, North Korea bears the brunt of the responsibility in succumbing to the fallacy that nuclear weapons are a guarantor of security. As a responsible power, China voted in favor of the U.N. resolution to implement sanctions and dutifully carried out its obligations in that regard. At the same time, China is keenly aware that the objective of sanctions is to pull North Korea back to the proper path, and that sanctions cannot be employed merely for their own sake and increased without limit. Precisely because of this, while in support of necessary sanctions, China at the same time advocates the resumption of six-party talks. It has already done its utmost to preserve peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

If one will forgive my directness, the United States and South Korea cannot escape responsibility on this matter. One cannot say that North Korea's security concerns are entirely unreasonable, and to convince that state to abandon its nuclear program, one must first eliminate its worries with respect to security. However, large-scale U.S.-South Korean joint military exercises are conducted every year without fail, and moreover are openly claimed to be directed against North Korea. And although the Korean War concluded over half a century ago, the United States and South Korea still refuse to negotiate a peace treaty, legally suspending the peninsula in a state of war. As provocations fly back and forth between North Korea on one side and the United States and South Korea on the other, is this not the root cause exacerbating the North Korean nuclear issue?

Of course, the United States is the key player at work in its and South Korea's adherence to these misguided policies. The United States seeks to manufacture an excuse to station its forces in South Korea by worsening the situation on the peninsula, threatening both North Korea and China. But will doing so be deleterious to the national interests of those two states alone?

Second, what does deploying THAAD on the peninsula suggest? South Korea claims that it would be a response to the ballistic missile threat from North Korea, and that China should understand its position. However, as a high-altitude missile interception system, the range that THAAD covers would reach far beyond the scope of the peninsula alone. Does dealing with a yet-amorphous ballistic missile threat so close to South Korea require THAAD? This is clearly no more than geopolitical sleight of hand as the United States uses the North Korean threat as a pretense for pursuing its true objective of keeping China in check. All would be well served to keep in mind that if South Korea indeed invites the deployment of the U.S. missile defense system, it would be tantamount to aiding the United States in challenging China, and Beijing will not simply swallow such a bitter pill in silence. The backlash from China would spell disaster for South Korea's political, economic and security interests. The amicable cooperation between China and South Korea did not come easily, and is a significant bilateral relationship for both sides. On this major issue, it is vital that South Korea maintain a modicum of soberness.

Finally, one hopes that South Korea will take Foreign Minister Wang Yi's stern statements to heart. He has previously commented that "as a close neighbor to the Korean Peninsula and a country which shoulders important responsibility for the stability of the Korean Peninsula," China insists upon three points: no nuclearization, no use of military force and the safeguarding of China's own national security interests. South Korea's leaders and policy advisers should seriously consider these matters and maintain rationality in the moment of decision, lest they commit a catastrophic mistake.

The author is a senior adviser at the China Institute for International Strategic Studies.


  据媒体报道,中国外长王毅当地时间23日在华盛顿与美国国务卿克里举行会晤,双方就包括朝核问题在内的一些议题进行深入探讨。克里在会见后表示,美韩尚未决定在韩国部署“萨德”反导系统。但韩国总统府青瓦台发言人郑然国24日表示,“在韩部署‘萨德’系统纯属防卫性质,中方应认识到这一点”。
  可以看出,针对朝鲜接 连试爆氢弹、发射“卫星”,韩国国内近期安全危机感增大,联手美国震慑朝鲜的动作连连,筹划部署“萨德”就是其中之一。中国外交部发言人华春莹24日回应 道,在部署“萨德”反导系统的问题上,中方理解韩方正当合理的安全关切,但任何国家在维护自身安全利益的同时,不能以损害其他国家的安全利益为代价。我们 认为部署“萨德”系统将直接损害中国的国家安全利益,因此我们反对。
  笔者作为与韩国国防系统有过一些交往、真诚支持深化中韩战略合作的国际问题学者,对韩国的做法也感到困惑不解。
  首先,朝鲜核问题发展到今天这种危险地步,是何家之错?毫无疑问,朝鲜陷入了“以核武保安全”的严重误区,应当承担首要责任。中国作为“负责任大国”,对联合国制裁决议投了赞成票,履行了对朝制裁义务。同时中国清醒地认识到,制裁的目的是将朝鲜拉回到正确轨道,不能为了制裁而制裁、无限升级。正因为此,中国在支持必要制裁的同时,积极推动重启六方会谈。为了半岛和平稳定,中国已竭尽全力。
  恕我直言,美国、韩国对此应负不可推卸的责任。朝鲜的安全关切不能说全无道理,要 说服朝鲜弃核必须消除朝鲜的安全担忧。但是,规模宏大的美韩军事演习连年不断,并且公开宣称针对朝鲜;朝鲜战争结束半个多世纪了,美韩仍拒绝“和平条约” 谈判、继续使半岛保持法理上的“战争状态”。朝鲜与美韩相互刺激、轮番升级,难道不是朝核问题愈演愈烈的根本原因?
  当然,美韩坚持错误政策,起着关键性作用的是美国。美国企图通过激化半岛局势为驻韩美军制造借口,既威胁朝鲜又威慑中国。这样做,损害的难道只是中国和朝鲜的国家利益吗?
  其次,在半岛部署“萨德”意味着什么?韩国声称,这是为了应对朝鲜的导弹威胁,中 国应该予以理解。可“萨德”是弹道导弹高空拦截系统,其覆盖范围远远超出半岛范围。对付远未成型、与韩国近在咫尺的导弹威胁需要“萨德”吗?“项庄舞剑, 意在沛公”,美国显然是在以应对朝鲜导弹威胁为名,行遏制中国之实。要知道,如果韩国真引进美国“萨德”系统,那就是协助美国挑战中国,中国不可能默默吞 下这枚苦果。中国一旦反制,韩国的政治、经济、安全利益将会受损。中韩友好合作关系来之不易,对于双方都关系重大。韩国在此重大问题上须保持应有的清醒。
  最后,希望韩国认真对待王毅外长的严正声明。王毅外长日前表示,作为半岛近邻和对 半岛稳定负有重要责任的国家,中国在处理有关半岛事务时有三点必须坚持:无核、非武力、自身国家安全利益有保障。韩国高层及有识之士应认真对待,在关键时 刻保持理性思维,否则将会犯下颠覆性错误。(作者是中国国际战略学会高级顾问)
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