It’s Time for the West to Really See China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 24 May 2016
by Wang Yiwei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Melanie Rehfuss.
On the eve of the G7 summit in Japan, the Japanese-owned Financial Times published an article claiming that British Prime Minister David Cameron would be isolated at the summit not because of his Brexit (withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union) efforts but because he is a “pro-China” leader.

Why is Cameron “pro-China”? Because he favored China’s position on the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, advocated a proactive and reasonable attitude toward the relationship with China, and is launching a “golden era” in China-U.K. relations.

But is Cameron really “pro-China”? Why does he seem like a minority in the EU? It is true that he was one of the first among European leaders to realize an ideology shift, pragmatically seizing the opportunity of China’s rise, and looked for Britain’s financial advantage in issues with globalizing the renminbi and the AIIB. He was using China to shape the world, to ensure Britain would have a voice in the process of forming a new international financial and economic order. In this sense, Cameron is not so much pro-China but pro-Britain; he’s securing British national interests in a changing world.

There is a proverb that goes, “The first bird to fly gets shot down first.” Cameron’s transformation naturally drew discontent from other Western countries. The discontent reflects how they haven’t left their ideological prejudices behind and are disconnected from the times. Cameron is definitely not the only Western leader to have had a change in his mindset. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has also become increasingly reasonable in her attitude toward China. Germany has also had an active role in joining the AIIB and was one of the first Western countries to do so.

It could be said that how one sees China is a reflection of how one sees the world, oneself, and globalization.

First, let’s talk about how one sees the world. When industrialization began in Britain, the country only had a few million people. Population in all of Europe was only in the tens of millions and America only had a few hundred million people. Today, billions and billions of people are rapidly moving to modernization, and multiple centers of development are coming into their own all over the world. The world’s power balance is moving toward a direction that is beneficial to world peace and development.

Then there’s how one sees oneself. The Western way is a regional way, but because the West was the first to industrialize and globalize, it did have a global character. Many countries also industrialized in the Western way, so globalization became a universal concept.

Finally, there’s how one sees globalization. The Chinese problem is increasingly how global problems are manifested in China. How one sees China cannot be based on existing ideology and expectations, or using oneself or other historical models, or constantly claiming “China threat” or “China collapse,” and blaming the global imbalance and unemployment on China.

Karl Marx has said that learning a foreign language requires forgetting one’s mother tongue. Getting to know China involves forgetting about oneself, and not using one’s own or historical models to evaluate China. It is especially advisable not to oppose China with the West. China is a civilized country that is conventional, continuous, and has never been colonized by the West, which is why China was often maligned and discriminated against in the Western world.

Prime Minister Cameron may not have understood this point, but he may have felt China was neither exceptional nor ordinary. It was necessary to treat China without historical prejudices and ideological biases, and see the country in the context of overall history, logic, and trends. This is also a test of how one sees oneself, the world, and globalization.

The author is the director of the EU Research Center and a senior researcher at the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University.



七国集团峰会在日本召开前夕,被日本收购的英国《金融时报》刊文称,英国首相卡梅伦在峰会上将遭到孤立,原因不是因为他搞“脱欧公投”,而是因为他是个“亲华”领导人。

卡梅伦何以“亲华”?理由是在亚投行等问题上倾向于中国主张,积极理性发展对华关系,开启中英关系的“黄金时代”。

卡梅伦真“亲华”吗?为什么卡梅伦在欧盟里显得像一个“孤独的少数派”?确实,卡梅伦在欧洲领导人当中较早实现“意识形态转向”,客观理性务实地抓住中国崛起机遇,在人民币国际化、亚投行问题上挖掘英国的金融优势,通过中国来塑造世界,确保英国在国际金融、经济新秩序形成过程中的话语权。在这个意义上,卡梅伦与其说“亲中”,不如说“亲英”——在变动的世界中确保英国国家利益。

所谓“枪打出头鸟”。卡梅伦的转变,自然引起其他西方国家的不满。这种不满,就是他们未走出意识形态偏见、认识与时代脱节的反映。卡梅伦绝非实现这种转变的唯一西方领导人。德国总理默克尔执政以来,对华态度也日趋务实理性。在加入亚投行问题上,德国也态度积极,是西方国家的先行者。

更进一步说,如何看待中国,一定程度上是如何看待世界、自己和全球化的折射。

先说如何看待世界。工业化发源于英国时,才数百万级人口规模,到欧洲大陆达千万级,到美国才达亿级。今天,十几亿、几十亿人口正在加速走向现代化,多个发展中心在世界各地区逐渐形成,国际力量对比继续朝着有利于世界和平与发展的方向演进。

再说如何看待自己。西方只是地方性概念,不过由于率先开启工业化、全球化而带些全球性。且由于很多国家实现工业化走的是西方道路,全球化有时也被称为“普世概念”。

最后说如何看待全球化。中国问题越来越是全球性问题在中国的体现,看待中国不能从意识形态和期待出发,以自身或历史上其他模式为参照系,时而“中国威胁”,时而“中国崩溃”,将全球失衡、失业等问题归咎于中国。

正如马克思所言,学习外语,要学会忘记母语;认识中国,也要学会忘记自己,不拿自身模式或历史上存在的其他国家模式或现象套中国,尤其不能把中国与西方对立起来。中国是世俗、连续不断、未被西方殖民的文明型国家。这是中国在西化世界常遭污蔑、偏见的根源。

卡梅伦首相不见得悟出了这一点,但已感觉到中国既不例外,也不普通,需要抛开历史成见和意识形态偏见,从大历史、大逻辑和大趋势来看待。这也是看待自己、看待世界、看待全球化的检验。

(作者是中国人民大学欧盟研究中心主任、重阳金融研究院高级研究员)
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