Enough of American Excuses and Logic

Published in People's Daily
(China) on 26 December 2016
by Jia Xiudong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
On Dec. 23, 2016, President Obama signed the Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017, paving the way for a backslide of American policy with regard to the Taiwanese problem.

The National Defense Authorization Act, recently voted on and approved by both houses of Congress, asked for “promotion of high-level military exchanges between America and Taiwan to improve U.S.-Taiwan military relations,” and made a point to say that “high-level” referred to American military leaders and officials at or above the level of assistant secretary of defense.

Taiwan-related content was added to the National Defense Authorization Act under the label of Congress-related issues, which only serves to express Congress’ opinions and positions on certain issues; even if related bills were signed into law by the president, they would have no binding legal power on American administrative agencies, however, the malicious impact and negative influence of such words remain.

The Taiwan issue is fundamental to China’s national policies, China’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity, the most important and sensitive issue in China-U.S. relations. China has always opposed any form of official exchange and military contact between the U.S. and Taiwan. However, America has long made nothing of its erroneous words and actions on the Taiwan issue. In fact, it has tried to make excuses for such deeds.

Ever since China and the U.S. have established diplomatic relations, various American administrations have had a standard position on Taiwan: agreeing with the “One China” policy, and abiding by the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques, while also saying it would follow its own relationship guidelines with Taiwan. One can imagine that if questioned about the Taiwan-related statement in the National Defense Authorization Act, America’s official spokesperson would continue in the same vein.

The problem here is that the so-called relationship with Taiwan is unilaterally decided by America, which defies principles in the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques. After America jointly issues the communiques with China, it turns around and releases the National Defense Authorization Act regarding its relationship with Taiwan. This puts limits on China-U.S. relations, and provides a domestic legal basis for America’s continued sale of weapons to Taiwan and its official relationship with Taiwan. America is contradicting itself by agreeing with Chinese policies in the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques, which are serious and important international agreements, then betraying its own words with its domestic laws.

Such behavior is not rare for America. In 1982, after some discussion, China and the U.S. released the “August 17 Communique on Arms Sales to Taiwan,” one of the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques which regulates its sale of weapons to Taiwan. Then, America proceeded to offer Taiwan the “Six Assurances” violating the Aug. 17 communique. Such unethical behavior is not up to international standards. Some internal American forces also insist on making “Six Assurances” the law. In addition, America likes to play legal games, claiming that the National Defense Enforcement Act legally overrides the Sino-U.S. joint communiques, attempting to reduce, disrupt and damage the effectiveness of the joint communiques.

It is obvious that America is violating the One-China policy, interfering in domestic Chinese affairs, violating Chinese sovereignty, harming Chinese national security, damaging the peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and using the Taiwan issue as a tactic in dealing with China. America has always had many grandiose excuses to explain itself and to make its story work, and ultimately, there is its hegemonic attitude. The same behavior also shows up when the U.S. deals with problems in the South China Sea. America likes to talk about the rule of law, regulations, international laws, etc., even as it continues to besmirch China’s image and brands itself as an “angel of peace” and the embodiment of justice, all the while covering up its strategic intentions.

China will not allow any country or any person to use the Taiwan issue to control China’s fate. America likes to think the Taiwan issue is an asset to its Chinese policies. In fact, the issue is a historic liability to America.

Lincoln once said that you could deceive everyone some of the time, or deceive some people all of the time, but one is unlikely to deceive everyone all of the time. We’ve had enough of American excuses and logic with respect to the Taiwan issue.

The author is a special commentator for the People’s Daily [Overseas Edition] and a distinguished researcher with the China Institute of International Studies.


12月23日,美国总统奥巴马签署了含有涉台内容的“2017财年国防授权法”,为美国在台湾问题上开历史倒车打开了绿灯。

  该法案此前由美国国会参众两院表决通过,明确提出美国国防部应“推动美台高层军事交流以改善美台军事关系”,并特别说明所谓“高层”指美国“军事将领”和“助理国防部长以上文职官员”。

  上述涉台内容是以“国会意向”的形式塞入美国国防授权法的,只是表达了国会在某一项议题上的看法、观点、立场,即使有关法案由总统签署成法,上述“意向”本身对美国行政部门也不具有法律约束力。但这并不会减弱上述涉台内容的恶劣性质及其消极影响。

  台湾问题攸关中国国家主权和领土完整,是一个大是大非的原则问题,也是中美关系中最重要、最敏感的问题。中方一贯反对美台进行任何形式的官方往来和军事联系。但长期以来,美国对自己在台湾问题上的错误言行不以为意,反而进行各种狡辩。

  自中美建交以来,美国历届政府有关台湾问题的“格式化”表态是美国将坚持一个中国政策、遵守中美三个联合公报,但同时又称将继续履行“与台湾关系法”。可以想见,如果被问及上述涉台法案,美国官方发言人依然会“老生常谈”。

  问题在于,所谓“与台湾关系法”是美国单方面制定的,其本身就与中美三个联合公报原则背道而驰。美国前脚同中国发表建交公报,后脚就抛出“与台湾关系法”,给中美建交加上限制条件,为美国继续对台售武、维持与台具有官方性质的关系提供国内法依据。美国一方面在中美三个联合公报这样严肃、重大的国际文件中对一个中国政策作出庄严承诺,另一方面又通过国内法违背自己的承诺,出尔反尔。

  美方这样的行径并不鲜见。经过谈判,中美于1982年发表了“八·一七”公报,就美国售台武器问题作出规定。但美国政府转身又对台作出违反“八·一七”公报原则的所谓“六项保证”。如此背信弃义的表现本是上不了台面的,而美国内一些势力却不断要把“六项保证”写入成文法。此外,美方还玩弄法律游戏,声称“与台湾关系法”在法律上优于中美之间的联合公报,企图削弱、干扰、破坏中美三个联合公报的效力。

  明明违反一个中国原则、干涉中国内政、侵犯中国主权、危害中国国家安全、损害两岸和平稳定,把台湾问题当成一张牌来对付中国,美国却总能找出一堆冠冕堂皇的理由为自己辩解开脱,试图自圆其说,这归根结底还是霸权心态作怪。同样的事情还发生在南海等问题上,美国嘴上讲“法治”“规则”“国际法”,实际上却不停抹黑中国,把自己打造成“和平天使”、正义的化身,背后掩盖的是美国的战略意图。

  中国绝不会允许任何国家、任何人拿台湾问题左右中国的命运。美国自认为台湾问题是美国对华政策的“资产”,实际上台湾问题在很大程度上是美国的历史包袱。

  林肯曾说过,“你可以一时欺骗所有人,也可以永远欺骗某些人,但不可能永远欺骗所有人”。在涉台问题上,美式狡辩和逻辑可休矣。

  (作者为本报特约评论员、中国国际问题研究院特聘研究员)
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