9/11 Disrupted the New Golden Age in the West

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 12 September 2017
by Ren Weidong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Fiona McAllister. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
In the blink of an eye, 16 years have passed since 9/11, but there is clearly a great need to understand more deeply what happened. This is absolutely not as simple as a long and hard fight against terrorism.

9/11 began a historical period: a period where terrorism attacked world peace and stability, and therefore became a focus of world politics. After the Cold War ended, the existence of two world systems ended. Capitalism entered a period of relatively stable development spanning the entire globe and entered a golden age, yet this era was disrupted not even a decade later by 9/11.

9/11 showed clearly that the current capitalist system around the world is essentially not a peacefully developing system. There are stark contradictions around it and within it, all the way from the bottom upwards, to the extent that parts of it are irreconcilable with one another. The Islamic world and the Western world – mainly the United States – are examples of this bipolar system and the two main sides of the struggle.

With regard to this situation, the U.S. is not being passive; rather, it is actively exploiting it to attack. Not one month after 9/11, the U.S. launched a war on Afghanistan, the speed of which led people to doubt that it had been a spontaneous decision. Immediately following this was the Iraq War, and following that there were a series of colorful revolutions in Central Asia and former states of the Soviet Union.

The U.S. began these two wars in the name of “counter-terrorism.” According to President George W. Bush, the world will not know peace until terrorism has been defeated. But in the end, the name of this objective is just a name. In reality, America’s goal was to overthrow the anti-American regimes of Afghanistan and Iraq and then control Central Asia and the Middle East.

What we particularly need to take note of is the very fashionable argument regarding this period of so-called “non-traditional security replacing traditional security” and the “conflict with non-state actors replacing traditional conflict between states.” The U.S. in fact never ignores any competition for power; the U.S. is fighting in the peripheries, that is, the areas that the U.S. is clearing and controlling or vying over with Russia and China, paving a way for close-quarter combat in the future.

As people have seen nowadays, the U.S.’s long and protracted battle has not been successful. Due to tough resistance, the U.S. has so far been unable to control the situation in Afghanistan and the Middle East. Instead, the impact of Russia’s strategy in the Middle East is clearly gaining strength. Anti-American sentiment exists in Iran and Syria, etc., and is even increasing somewhat. Turkey, traditionally an American ally, is also becoming less devoted to the U.S.; the entirety of the Middle East is beginning to turn a less favorable eye towards the U.S.

In this situation, U.S.-Russian competition is unlikely to end, but some kind of compromise cannot be ruled out. What needs to be noted is that the U.S. has still not compromised with the relevant powers in Afghanistan, instead only attempting to control the situation alone. Not long ago, the U.S. made the decision to reinforce troops in Afghanistan. The reason given for this was to prevent terrorists gaining power. This isn’t true, but the greater strategic intent is clear to see. Considering the impact of Afghanistan on the security of western China, and the important impact of the Belt and Road Initiative*, considering the recent actions of India towards China and considering the complex circumstances of East Asia, China cannot help but be somewhat affected.

The West’s anti-terrorist actions have resulted in terrorism becoming more globalized, the refugee crises becoming globalized and increasingly intense power struggles. It is clearly evident that during this period of “peace development” there are acutely intense and complicated struggles. During the days of the Cold War people were afraid of the clamor between nuclear powers. Nowadays, it is terrorism that makes people feel uneasy.

As a result, we have an unfair world order and unfair social justice systems, we are unable to heal social divisions and peace is currently fragile. We want to achieve enduring peace, not only to establish international strategic balance, but also to initiate a new phase of international politics. This is the strategic and moral point we should be grasping, and the international and historical responsibility we should be bearing.

The author is a researcher at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.

*Editor’s note: The Belt and Road Initiative is a development strategy of China’s leader Xi Jinping to encourage cooperation and connectivity among Eurasian countries, involving substantial infrastructure spending.


任卫东:“9•11”打乱西方新一轮黄金时代

 转眼间“9·11”事件已经过去16年了,但对它的认识显然仍有深化的必要。这并不只是“反恐仍然任重道远”那么简单。
  “9·11”开启了一个历史时期,那就是恐怖主义冲击世界和平与稳定,从而成为世界政治一个重要现象的历史时期。冷战结束后,两大阵营对抗以及社会主义、资本主义两大世界体系并存的局面也随之结束,资本主义进入了相对平稳快速发展并在全球范围扩张的新一轮黄金时代,但这个过程不到十年就被“9·11”打乱了。
  “9·11”事件表明,现行资本主义世界体系本质上不是一个和平发展的体系。它的外围与中心、底层与上层之间的矛盾十分尖锐,以至于到了你死我活的程度。伊斯兰世界和西方世界——主要是美国,是这一体系两极的突出代表和斗争的主要两方。
对于这种局面,美国并不是被动应付,而是积极利用,主动出击。“9·11”后不到一个月,美国就发动了阿富汗战争,其速度之快令人无法相信这是临时做出的决定。紧接着就是伊拉克战争,之后还有中亚、独联体地区一系列颜色革命。
  美国以“反恐”名义发动这两场战争。用小布什的话说,“如果恐怖主义不除,世界将永无宁日”。但名义终究是名义。事实上,美国的目标就是推翻阿富汗和伊拉克的反美政权,进而控制中亚和中东。
  我们需要特别注意的是,这个时期所谓“非传统安全取代传统安全”“非国家行为体冲突取代传统国家间冲突”的论调十分流行,对美国国际战略的实施起了极大的掩护作用。其实,美国从未忽视大国竞争,只不过在这个时期美国主要打的是外围仗,即首先扫清和控制与俄罗斯和中国争夺的中间或外围地带,从而为日后的短兵相接做战略铺垫。
  正如世人如今所看到的,美国的这场旷日持久的外围仗打得并不成功。由于受到顽强抵抗,美国至今未能在阿富汗和中东控制局面。相反,俄罗斯在中东的战略影响力明显增强,伊朗、叙利亚等反美力量顽强生存甚至有所壮大,土耳其等美国传统盟友也在很大程度上失去了对美国的忠诚,整个中东格局正在向着对美国不利的方向发展。
  在这种局面下,美俄在中东的较量不会停止,但出现某种妥协的可能性不能排除。需要注意的是,美国在阿富汗还没有与相关大国妥协的迹象,试图单独控制局面。日前,美国做出了继续增兵阿富汗的决定。美国的理由是防止恐怖主义势力坐大。这个因素不是不存在,但其更大的战略意图也是显而易见的。考虑到阿富汗对中国西部安全和“一带一路”的重要影响,考虑到印度最近对中国做出的举动,再考虑到东亚地区的复杂形势,中国不能不有所作为。
  西方的反恐给世界带来的结果是,暴恐全球化了,难民全球化了,大国争夺也越发激烈。可见,在“和平发展时期”,斗争也是极其尖锐复杂的。冷战时期,核大国之间的战争叫嚣令人恐怖。如今,恐怖主义的存在令人不安。
  因此,没有公正合理的世界秩序,没有公平正义的社会制度,没有社会分化的不断缩小乃至彻底消除,和平就是脆弱的。我们要实现永久和平,不仅要建立国际战略平衡,还要开创世界政治新局面。这是我们应该掌握的战略和道义制高点,也是应该承担的国际和历史责任。(作者是中国现代国际关系研究院副研究员)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Topics

Poland: Meloni in the White House. Has Trump Forgotten Poland?*

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

Japan: US Administration Losing Credibility 3 Months into Policy of Threats

Mauritius: Could Trump Be Leading the World into Recession?

India: World in Flux: India Must See Bigger Trade Picture

Palestine: US vs. Ansarallah: Will Trump Launch a Ground War in Yemen for Israel?

Ukraine: Trump Faces Uneasy Choices on Russia’s War as His ‘Compromise Strategy’ Is Failing

Related Articles

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

Hong Kong: Can US Tariffs Targeting Hong Kong’s ‘Very Survival’ Really Choke the Life out of It?

Cuba: Trump, Panama and the Canal

China: White House Peddling Snake Oil as Medicine

China: Prime Take: How Do Americans View US Tariff Hikes?