Worrisome Response by Iran to the United States

Published in La Jornada
(Mexico) on 7 May 2018
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nick Dauster. Edited by Joel Horowitz.
Yesterday, Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani responded to the threat by his counterpart in the United States, Donald Trump, to leave the Iranian nuclear agreement, which was signed in July 2015 by that Asian country with China, the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Russia and Germany.

Under the accord, Tehran committed to limiting its nuclear program to peaceful uses in exchange for a progressive lifting of the international sanctions that had been imposed on it.

The leader of the Islamic Republic warned that if Washington turns its back on the pact, it will feel regret as never before in its history, and claimed that in Iranian society, every political movement, right-wing, left-wing, conservative, reformist or moderate, was united.

Last week, the president of the United States showed signs of pulling his government out of the agreement with Tehran, which he has repeatedly denigrated since he was a presidential candidate as being too soft on Iran, and set a deadline of the May 12 for his European allies to toughen the conditions imposed on Iran.*

Trump’s demand is obviously impossible to meet, but the signatories to the accord could not, even if they wanted to, change it unilaterally without Iran’s consent.

Keeping that detail in mind, it must be concluded that either the New York real estate magnate has already decided to break the agreement and is simply formulating a pretext to do so, or that the subject of the nuclear pact with Iran is a way to pressure his allies, Germany, France and the United Kingdom, in other areas, possibly trade.

These hypotheses are strengthened by the contrast between the attitude of the White House toward Iran and its attitude toward North Korea, a country with which, after months of brinksmanship and threats of war by both parties, Washington is approaching rapprochement.

It is appropriate to point out that, just like the Islamic Republic, the North Korean regime developed nuclear technology independently, but, unlike the Iranians, Pyongyang has used it for the manufacture of atomic weapons, which, according to all the available information, are part of the nation’s operational arsenal.

If even under those conditions, Trump showed his willingness to meet the supreme leader of North Korea, Kim Jong Un, at the end of the month, he should have even better reasons to show tolerance for Tehran’s nuclear program aimed at peaceful ends.

That being the case, the American president’s broadside against the nuclear agreement with Iran seems to be one of his well-known maneuvers to obtain benefits elsewhere.

But coming from the head of state of the greatest military power on earth, that type of move represents an element of danger. It is destabilizing and counterproductive because it could lead the Iranian government to start a program for manufacturing nuclear arms, and because, in the end, the war against Iraq in 2003 demonstrated that Washington is capable of using the pretext of the weapons of mass destruction to devastate countries that do not have them.

*Editor’s note: President Trump withdrew the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, known as the Iran nuclear deal, on May 8, 2018.
ountries that do not have them.


Inquietante respuesta de Irán a Estados Unidos
E
l presidente de Irán, Hassan Rouhani, respondió ayer a la amenaza de su homólogo estadunidense, Donald Trump, de abandonar el acuerdo en materia de no desarrollo de armas nucleares por parte de Teherán, el cual fue suscrito en julio de 2015 por ese país asiático con China, Estados Unidos, Francia, Reino Unido, Rusia y Alemania.
Mediante ese acuerdo, Teherán se comprometió a limitar su programa atómico a aplicaciones pacíficas a cambio de un levantamiento progresivo de las sanciones internacionales establecidas en su contra.
El gobernante de la república islámica advirtió que si Washington da la espalda a ese pacto. lo lamentará como nunca en la historia, y aseguró que en la sociedad iraní están unidas todas sus tendencias políticas, sean de derecha, de izquierda, conservadoras, reformadoras y moderadas.
La semana pasada el presidente estadunidense amagó con retirar a su gobierno del acuerdo con Teherán –al que ha descalificado de manera sostenida desde que era candidato presidencial, por considerarlo demasiado blando con Teherán– y dio de plazo hasta el día 12 del mes actual para que sus aliados de Europa occidental endurezcan las condiciones impuestas a Irán.
La exigencia de Trump es, a todas luces, imposible de cumplir, pues los signatarios del acuerdo no podrían, aunque quisieran, modificarlo de manera unilateral y sin el consentimiento de la parte iraní.
Con esta circunstancia en mente, es obligado concluir que, o bien el magnate neoyorquino está decidido a violentar el acuerdo y simplemente enunció un pretexto para ello, o que el asunto del pacto nuclear con Irán es una manera de presionar a sus aliados –Alemania, Francia y Reino Unido– para obtener de ellos concesiones en otros ámbitos, posiblemente en el comercial.
Estas hipótesis se ven fortalecidas por el contraste entre la actitud de la Casa Blanca hacia Irán y hacia Corea del Norte, país con el que, tras meses de tensiones al límite y amagos bélicos de ambas partes, Washington se encamina a un acercamiento.
Cabe destacar que, al igual que la república islámica, el régimen norcoreano desa-rrolló de manera independiente tecnología nuclear, pero a diferencia de los iraníes, Pyongyang la aplicó en la fabricación de armas atómicas, las cuales, según todas las informaciones disponibles, forman parte del arsenal operativo que posee.
Si aun en esas condiciones Trump manifestó su disposición a reunirse con el máximo gobernante de Corea del Norte, Kim Jong-un a finales de este mes, mejores motivos debería tener para mostrar tolerancia ante el programa nuclear con propósitos pacíficos de Teherán.
Así las cosas, el exabrupto del presidente estadunidense en contra del acuerdo nuclear con Teherán parece una de sus ya conocidas maniobras para obtener beneficios en otros terrenos.
Pero esta clase de jugadas representa, cuando las hace el jefe de Estado de la máxima potencia militar del mundo, un factor peligroso, desestabilizador y contraproducente, por cuanto podrían llevar al gobierno iraní a emprender un programa de fabricación de armas nucleares. Porque, al final de cuentas, la guerra contra Irak de 2003 demostró que Washington es capaz de usar el pretexto de las armas de destrucción masiva para arrasar a países que no las poseen.
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