May Japanese-American Relations Come to Fruition in the New Era

Published in The Sankei News
(Japan) on 25 April 2019
by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Denile Doyle.
Evidence of a Deeper Mutual Understanding

Landmark events in the history of Japanese-American relations may be beginning. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will visit Washington for a summit meeting. The agenda for the G-20 summit and the bilateral trade dispute will be discussed.*

Furthermore, in May, President Trump will visit Japan as a state guest and become the first head of state to meet the new emperor. The president is also considering attending a sumo match. The G-20 summit takes place in Osaka in June. Trump will visit Japan again, and the summit with China there will likely attract global attention.

For the upcoming three months, there will be repeated Japanese-American summits. It is unusual for the American president to visit the same country twice in two months in the first place. Have Japanese-American ties ever been closer?

Of course, bilateral relations are not calm. In Japanese-American trade negotiations, there are problems over the trade imbalance, automobiles, agricultural products and so on. How to respond to the rise in Chinese influence, how to contend with technological developments like the next generation of communication standards or 5G, or how to eliminate the threat posed by North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missiles — there are many topics where opinions should be urgently swapped.

On the other hand, the phrase “free and open Indo-Pacific” used by the Japanese government is now fixed as American diplomatic strategy, which may be evidence of how mutual understanding between Japan and America has deepened.

Becoming a Partner We Can Strategize With

When we compare this with the early Heisei era**, the difference is obvious. At the time, Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu and President George H.W. Bush were also said to have a good relationship. But Japanese-American relations only consisted of things that send shivers down the spine.

In the Gulf crisis of the summer of 1990, Japan’s response was criticized as “too little, too late,” and it was barely thanked for its $13 billion in financial assistance. Calls for Japan to make international contributions increased, but even sending troops to the U.N. peacekeeping operation in Cambodia was problematic.

In the economic sphere, Japan’s massive trade surplus came under the spotlight, and its unique industrial practices like the keiretsu system were seen as problems.*** The discussions back then about Japan’s peculiarities were just like the current criticisms of China. In hindsight, the Structural Impediments Initiative, which requested increased domestic consumption and deregulation, was a pressure tactic close to meddling in Japan’s internal affairs.

However, Japan changed in a different way during the 30 years and four months of the Heisei era. In the security realm, as preparation for the post-Cold War era, emergency legislation like the Regional Contingencies Law was passed.

With the “show the flag” operation in the Iraq War, the military was also deployed overseas. It was a relief that we could withdraw it without losing a single life.

What’s more, by clearing issues like the State Secrecy Law and the right of collective defense, Japan came one step closer to becoming a partner America can strategize with. Shouldn’t we be evaluated well for making these changes within the framework of the current constitution?

Achieving Reconciliation and Closing the Book on the War

It is the same in the economic realm. At the beginning of Heisei, the bubble economy collapsed and Japan stopped being perceived as a threat to the world economy. Furthermore, in today’s globalized economy, Japan stopped being considered “peculiar.” Of course, the special characteristics of Japan’s model of capitalism, like long-term employment, are still around. Yet if Showa management practices like dozens of directing roles in one business or buying goods from a keiretsu firm at higher prices were to continue, shareholders would be more likely to complain first than foreigners.

If you think back to the early Heisei economy, you couldn’t buy your own company’s stock if there was no holding company. There were numerous reforms to the Heisei economy going on simultaneously, and the behavioral pattern of Japanese industry changed drastically in those 30 years.

When reviewing the history of Japanese-American relations in the Heisei era, special mention must be made of the role played by pro baseball. Last month, we were moved by the final game of the outfielder Ichiro Suzuki. His long career earned him many fans in both countries.

But the story of Japanese athletes seriously competing in the major leagues begins with pitcher Hideo Nomo in 1995. He may be a role model of yesteryear now, but he became a real goal for Japan’s young baseball players.

It should not be forgotten that ceremonies of Japanese-American reconciliation were held in the Heisei era. Prime Minister Abe’s speech to a joint session of Congress on the 70th anniversary of the war’s end and President Barack Obama’s visit to Hiroshima and floral offering remain in our hearts. The journalist Fumio Matsuo, who advocated for a mutual floral offering by Japan and America to close the book on the war, may have died in February, but he must have been relieved that this happened during the Heisei era.

The Reiwa era will begin soon. What is the future for Japanese-American relations? New problems surely await.


*Editor’s note: The Trump-Abe summit occurred on April 26, 2019.

**Editor’s note: Japan has eras corresponding to imperial reigns. The article refers to the Showa era (1926-1989) and the Heisei era (1989-2019). The Reiwa era began on May 1, 2019.

***Editor’s note: In Japan, Keiretsu are companies with interlocking relationships and shareholdings.


≪意思疎通の深まりを示す証左≫

 日米関係の歴史において画期的なことが始まろうとしている。

 まず間もなく、安倍晋三首相がワシントンを訪れ、日米首脳会談が行われる。20カ国・地域(G20)の議題や2国間の通商問題が話し合われよう。

 そして5月、トランプ大統領は国賓としてわが国を訪問し、新しい天皇陛下と初めて会談する海外の首脳となる。大統領による大相撲観戦も検討されているという。6月には大阪でG20サミットが行われる。トランプ大統領は再び訪日し、その際には米中首脳会談が世界の注目を集めることだろう。

 この間、何と3カ月連続で日米首脳会談が行われることになる。そもそも米大統領が2カ月連続で同じ国を訪問するのは異例だ。これほどまでに日米関係が緊密であったことがあっただろうか。

 もちろん両国関係が平穏なわけではない。日米通商協議では貿易不均衡や自動車、農産物などが課題となっている。中国の影響力拡大にどう対応するか、特に次世代の通信規格「5G」などの技術開発にいかに取り組むか、はたまた北朝鮮の核やミサイルの脅威をどう取り除くかなど、緊急に意見をすり合わせるべき議題も多い。

 他方、日本政府が使っていた「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」という言葉が、今では米国の外交戦略として定着していることは、日米の意思疎通がいかに深まっているかの証左であろう。

 ≪「戦略を語れる相手」に近づいた≫

 これを平成初期と比べればその差は歴然としている。当時、海部俊樹首相とジョージ・ブッシュ(父)大統領はやはり良好な関係だといわれたものだ。ただし当時の日米関係は、背筋が寒くなるようなことばかりであった。

 平成2年夏に起きた湾岸危機では、日本の対応は「ツーリトル、ツーレイト」と非難され、130億ドルもの財政支援をしたものの、ほとんど感謝されなかった。そこで日本も国際貢献を、との声が高まったが、カンボジアの国連平和維持活動(PKO)に自衛隊を派遣するだけでも難問続出であった。

 経済面では日本の巨額な貿易黒字が焦点となり、系列取引など独特の企業慣行が問題視された。あの頃の「日本異質論」は、ちょうど今の対中国批判に通じるところがある。日本に対して内需拡大や規制緩和を求めた日米構造協議は、今から思えば内政干渉に近い強引な手法であった。

 しかし平成の30年と4カ月はいろんな意味で日本を変えた。安全保障面ではポスト冷戦時代への備えとして、周辺事態法など有事法制の整備が進んだ。

 イラク戦争では「ショー・ザ・フラッグ」ということで、自衛隊の海外派遣も行われた。1人の犠牲もなく撤収できたときにはホッとしたものである。

 さらに特定秘密保護法、集団的自衛権といった問題をクリアしたことにより、日本は米国から見て「共に戦略を語れる相手」に一歩近づいた。これだけの変化が現行憲法の枠内で進んだことは、大いに評価してよいのではないか。

 ≪和解を達成し戦争にけじめ≫

 経済面も同様である。平成当初のバブル経済は崩壊し、日本経済は世界にとっての「脅威」でなくなった。それだけではなく今日のグローバル経済において、日本が「異質」だとみられることはほとんどなくなった。もちろん長期雇用慣行など「日本型資本主義」の特色は残っている。それでも一企業に取締役が数十人もいるとか、系列企業から部品を他所より高く買うといった「昭和の経営」を続けていれば、海外より先に株主から文句を言われることだろう。

 思えば平成初期の日本経済では、持ち株会社もなければ自社株買いもできなかった。平成の日本経済では細かな制度改革がいくつも同時進行し、30年の月日は日本企業の行動様式を大きく変えた。

 平成の日米関係史を振り返る際に、特筆せねばならないのはプロ野球が果たした役割である。先月、われわれはイチロー外野手の現役最後の試合に感動した。長きにわたる彼の活躍は、日米双方で多くのファンを獲得してきた。

 しかし日本人選手による本格的なメジャーリーグ挑戦は、平成7年の野茂英雄投手をもって嚆矢(こうし)とする。それが今日では、かつて仰(あお)ぎ見る存在であったメジャーが、日本の若い球児たちのリアルな目標となっている。

 平成には、日米の和解のセレモニーが行われたことも忘れてはならない。安倍首相による米議会上下両院合同会議での「戦後70年」演説、オバマ大統領の広島訪問と献花は心に残る。戦争にけじめを、と日米の相互献花外交を説いたジャーナリスト、松尾文夫氏は2月にこの世を去ったが、「平成のうちに間に合ってよかった」と思っているのではないだろうか。

 間もなく令和の時代が始まる。平成の日米関係を、いかに引き継いでいくか。きっと新たな課題が待ち受けていることだろう。
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