‘America First’ Thinking Increasingly Exposes Shortsightedness

Published in Guangming Daily
(China) on 8 November 2109
by Zheng Fangfang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liza Roberts. Edited by Margaret McIntyre.
The United States has now initiated the process of withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement. This means that the world’s only superpower has become the only country to date to withdraw from the agreement. On Nov. 4, 2016, the Paris climate agreement officially took effect, requiring signatories to wait at least three years after formally joining the agreement to initiate the exit process. The U.S. began the exit procedure as soon as it could. Behind this American impatience is a heart that has lost all feeling.

Donald Trump declared the Paris climate agreement an "unfair economic burden" for the United States, but this perception is simply untenable in the face of reality. [https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-50297029] Even though the agreement is not mandatory, it was voluntarily approved by 147 countries. Each country established goals for reducing carbon emissions, and it is not only the U.S. which faces an increased economic burden. Despite the standard expectation that greater restrictions lead to further losses, China, as the world's largest carbon emitter, has used the agreement to promise a high volume of emissions reductions. Therefore, the U.S. has no basis for complaining about economic injustice. It is even more important to notice that over the past three years, the U.S. has not implemented any constructive mechanisms for mitigating climate change. This type of destructive behavior shows that the issue for the United States does not lie in whether or not the agreement is fair, but whether it wants any limiting arrangement.

At its root, the United States’ withdrawal does not stem from being wronged, but is actually a calculated maneuver driven by the interests of small groups. For the Trump administration, the most important benefit of withdrawal is the success of his presidential reelection campaign. Under the pressure of slowing domestic economic growth, the Trump administration is focusing on a return to the global industrial chain. Traditional energy sources play an important role in economic planning, and the strict control of greenhouse gas emissions will only limit U.S. manufacturing. Therefore, the Trump administration is afraid to put pressure on the industrial sector in the name of environmental concerns. At the same time, there is a proliferation of populism in the United States, especially among Trump voters who generally blame the U.S. economic downturn on the challenges of supporting developing economies. President Trump needs to make emerging economies take on more international responsibility in order to appease the white middle and lower class voters who are the masters of his reelection.

More broadly, the Trump administration’s frequent retreat like actions in recent years reflect the dilemma that the U.S. faces due to its decline in relative strength. On the one hand, the United States wants to maintain its hegemonic status and prolong the hegemonic cycle, so it does not dare to squander its hard power. On the other hand, the basis of American hegemony is not only composed of hard power, but also relies on soft power. To maintain soft power, the U.S. must pay increasing hard power costs. In the end, the United States can only look after the present, and it chooses retreat because of the short-term benefits. A U.S. built around the slogan of "America First" is no longer the "beacon of liberalism" which Alexis de Tocqueville wrote about in "Democracy in America.”

The question is, does "America First" give the United States a strategic benefit? In the short term, the U.S. has indeed maintained or even increased some tangible material gains. But the cost of this temporary increase in income is the long-term loss of international credibility for the United States. Bankruptcy will lead to a decline in confidence in cooperation between the U.S. and other countries, and much cooperation that could have occurred may also be aborted. The Trump administration is eager to show off its achievements, but ignores the immeasurable benefits behind such achievements which have not come to fruition. Additionally, the U.S. will withdraw from the agreement over a very short period of time, leaving a large gap of responsibility. In the event of a global crisis, the tangible material interests of the United States will face further damage. Taking the Paris climate agreement as an example, the U.S., as the world's largest developed country, has goods, services and capital all over the world. Once climate change reaches a critical point, the United States will suffer the greatest loss.

This retreat is a concentrated expression of American shortsighted strategic thinking, but its impact on the world may not be completely negative. The decline of America’s hegemonic reputation and the collapse of the liberal story have led developing countries to collectively build more space for discourse, allowing them to become the main force in building a new world order. In the future, humanity will face more problems that must be solved collectively, and the process of forming an interconnected destiny is irreversible.


目前,美国已启动退出《巴黎气候协定》进程。这意味着,全世界唯一的超级大国成为迄今唯一一个准备退出该项协定的国家。2016年11月4日,《巴黎气候协定》正式生效,规定签署国必须在正式加入该协定至少三年后才能启动退出程序。美国在第一时间启动了退出程序,如此迫不及待的情绪背后,是一颗失去“情怀”的美国心。

  特朗普宣称《巴黎气候协定》是对美国“不公平的经济负担”,这种认知在现实面前根本站不住脚。尽管协定不具备强制力,但是该协定确系147个国家自愿批准。每个国家都制定了相应的碳排放标准,并非唯独美国加重了“经济负担”。即使按照“限排越多越吃亏”的标准来看,中国作为全球第一大碳排放国,在协定中承诺了很高的减排份额,美国并无“叫屈”资格。更要看到,过去的三年间,未见美国对全球气候变化提出什么建设性机制。这种“只破不立”的行为说明,美国的心结并不在于限排协定是否公平,而在于是否想要一个限排协定。

  究其根本,美国“退群”并非出于委屈,而是出于对小团体利益的算计。对于特朗普团队而言,最重要的利益是总统连任竞选成功。迫于国内经济增长压力,特朗普政府主打全球产业链回归。传统能源在经济计划中占有重要地位,大力控制温室气体排放会使美国传统制造业进一步受限。因此,特朗普政府不敢再以环境问题的名义向产业财团施压。同时,美国民粹主义泛滥,特别是特朗普票仓选民普遍将本国经济下行归咎于新兴经济体的挑战,特朗普政府需要使新兴经济体承担更多国际责任,以告慰掌握其连任“生杀大权”的白人中下层选民。

  从更大的视野来看,特朗普政府近年来频频“退群”的举动反映了美国因相对实力下降而陷入的进退两难境地。一方面,美国想要继续维护其霸权地位并延长其霸权周期,因此不敢挥霍早已相对衰落的硬实力。另一方面,美国霸权基础不仅仅由硬实力构成,软实力至关重要,而要维持强大的软实力又必须更多地付出硬实力成本。最终,美国只能且顾当下,为了短期利益而选择“退群”。一个以“美国优先”为口号的美国,早已不是托克维尔《论美国的民主》一书中的“自由主义灯塔”。

  问题在于,“美国优先”让美国获得了更多战略利益吗?短期内,美国确实保住甚至增加了部分有形的物质收益。但要看到,这部分收益的成本是美国长远的国家信誉。信誉破产将导致其他国家与美合作的信心下降,许多本可发生的合作也可能流产。特朗普政府急于炫耀可见的政绩,却忽视了其背后有不可估量的“没有发生”的收益。此外,由于美国在短时间内骤然抽身,留出大量责任空白,一旦出现全球性危机,美国保住的有形物质利益也将进一步受损。以退出《巴黎气候协定》为例,美国作为全球最大的发达国家,商品、服务、资本遍布全球,一旦气候变化突破质变临界点,受损失最大的国家必然还是美国。

  此次“退群”是美国短视战略思维的集中体现,但其对世界的影响未必完全消极。霸权声誉的衰落与自由主义故事的破灭,使得新兴国家集体获得了更多的话语权空间,并由此开始成为构建世界秩序的主力。今后必须依靠全人类才能解决的难题越来越多,人类形成命运共同体的进程不可逆转。
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