Trump, 100 Days Away from the Final Exam

Published in El Periódico
(Spain) on 25 July 2020
by Ramón Lobo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Marta Quirós Alarcón. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
The U.S. election highlights four scenarios, three of them a nightmare.

The presidential election is 100 days away, and another 78 days remain afterward which could involve a political and legal battle for the validity of the results. Donald Trump will not accept defeat. He will accuse the “radical left” of fraud, and mobilize his gun-loving followers via Twitter. With him, nothing is impossible and every scenario is dystopic.

The 2008 financial crisis and the ongoing COVID-19 crisis have cast doubt on the global financial model and its effects on the climate catastrophe. Part of the capitalist elite no longer believes in democracy, opting instead for the efficiency (and the impunity) of authoritarian models. Trump is but the consequence of a greater game. We can expect four scenarios, three of which are a nightmare.

Victory

Trump wins despite every poll that is currently predicting his defeat. The president trusts his white, rural and angry base. They are the ones who swallow his paranoid conspiracy theories and enjoy his divisive rhetoric; “the good Americans,” as opposed to the media which has sold out and is unpatriotic. A miraculous vaccine in October could save him; hence, he is maneuvering so that a vaccine has priority. It is not important whether or not it works. It is enough that people believe it does before they vote. Winston Churchill said that one day is a year in politics. There are still 100 years to go.

Narrow Defeat

Trump narrowly loses the election. It is worth recalling that the popular vote does not decide the presidency, but election depends on the Electoral College, made up of of 538 electors. Whoever gets half of the electors plus one, or 270, wins. Electors are chosen in each state according to the state’s population. (California has 55; Wyoming has three.) The battle centers on the swing states, those states that change and are most influenced by the candidate: Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, Florida, Colorado, Minnesota, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and New Hampshire.

For months, the president has been waging a war against voting by mail which will be key in case there is a second wave of COVID-19. Trump claims voting by mail is a tool meant to steal the election from him. Each state regulates its own absentee voting. While Democrats try to facilitate it, Republicans wish to obstruct it. If there is a surge in mail-in voting, it is likely that several states will be unable to provide a result on election night.

Trump plans to reject these results and challenge them at the Supreme Court, where a majority of the justices are conservative. Dec. 14 will be a key date. This will be the day when the Electoral College meets in order to proclaim the winner. What will happen with the electors from states where results are in question? Will there be an election result without them? This is Trump’s chance to alter the result and remain president. The Supreme Court may request a repetition of the election in several states or in certain districts. The only unchanging variable — because it is in the Constitution — is the inauguration date: Jan. 20 at noon. By then, there must be a winner and a president. Anything else would amount to a coup.

Crushing Defeat

Trump experiences crushing defeat. There are several indicators that point to a catastrophe. The suburban vote could consolidate around Joe Biden thanks to women. The white, urban vote is starting to abandon the president, and he is losing support among seniors. Two moderate Republican organizations have launched a full-frontal attack. The “Never Trump” movement is growing, and it could be as mobilizing as Barack Obama’s “Yes We Can” campaign. If the defeat was indisputable, those Republicans who cheer for him and fear him would press him to accept the outcome. He would have no opportunity to resist other than indulging in absolute nonsense.

No Election

Trump cancels the election. The date of Nov. 3 is based on an 1845 federal law, which sets “the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November” as the day of the general election. In order to modify it, Trump would need to reach a deal in Congress. Republicans control the Senate, but not the House of Representatives. Attorney General William Barr has completely abandoned the independence his position is supposed to have, unabashedly acting as the president’s lawyer. For weeks he has been looking for a loophole that would allow Trump to rule by decree, without the supervision of the House. They are receiving help from John Yoo, the lawyer who provided the legal basis to justify torture in CIA secret prisons and in Guantanamo Bay during the George W. Bush presidency.

The use of federal agents dressed in military uniform, without any identification and in unmarked cars, without license plates or badges, should stand as a warning. Trump wants to replicate that show of force in Chicago, and is now threatening New York.

His aim is threefold: selling a slogan of law and order; frightening and mobilizing his white base;
and creating a state of chaos, which together with a second COVID-19 wave in the fall, would allow him to invoke emergency powers he does not actually have in order to cancel the election and stay president for a year or more. It would be the death of democracy in the U.S., a tsunami that would endanger our own.


Trump, a 100 días de la reválida

Las elecciones estadounidenses alumbran cuatro escenarios, tres de ellos de pesadilla

Quedan cien días para las elecciones presidenciales, y otros 78 de batalla política y judicial por la validez del resultado. Donald Trump no aceptará su derrota, acusará a la !izquierda radical! de fraude y movilizará por Twitter a sus seguidores amantes de las armas de fuego. Con él nada es imposible, todo son escenarios distópicos.

La crisis económica de 2008 y la actual del covid-19, que aún no ha terminado, han puesto en discusión el modelo económico global y sus efectos en la catástrofe climática. Una parte de la élite capitalista ha dejado de creer en la democracia. Prefiere la eficacia (y la impunidad) de los modelos autoritarios. Trump es solo la consecuencia de un juego mayor. Tenemos cuatro escenarios, tres de ellos son de pesadilla.

Victoria

Trump gana pese a que todas las encuestas vaticinan hoy su derrota. El presidente confía en su base blanca, rural y enfadada. Es la que compra sus teorías conspiranoicas y disfruta con su lenguaje divisivo, "los buenos americanos" frente a unos medios de comunicación vendidos y antipatriotas. Podría salvarle una vacuna milagrosa en octubre, de ahí sus movimientos para garantizarse la prioridad. No es importante que funcione, basta con que la gente lo crea antes de votar. Churchill decía que en política, un día es un año. Quedan 100 años.

Derrota por escaso margen

Trump pierde las elecciones por escaso margen. Cabe recordar que el voto popular no decide la presidencia, depende de un Colegio Electoral compuesto por 538 miembros. Gana quien obtiene la mitad más uno: 270. Son elegidos en cada estado según la población (California tiene 55; Wyoming, tres). La batalla se centra en los estados indecisos, los que cambian según el candidato: Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, Florida, Colorado, Minnesota, Nevada, Carolina del Norte, Ohio, Pensilvania y Virginia y Nueva Hampshire.

El presidente mantiene desde hace meses una guerra contra el voto por correo, que será clave si hay segunda ola de covid. Trump dice que es el instrumento con el que le quieren robar las elecciones. Cada estado regula el voto no presencial. Mientras que en los demócratas tratan de facilitarlo; en los republicanos quieren dificultarlo. Es probable que en la noche electoral varios estados indecisos no puedan ofrecer un resultado si hubiera mucho voto por correo.

El plan de Trump es rechazar esos resultados, denunciarlos ante el Tribunal Supremo en el que dominan los conservadores (5-4). Una fecha clave es el 14 de diciembre. Es el día en el que debe reunirse el Colegio para proclamar al ganador. ¿Qué pasará con los compromisarios de los estados cuyos resultados estén en discusión? ¿Habrá votación sin ellos? Es la oportunidad de Trump para alterar el resultado y seguir de presidente. El Supremo puede ordenar repetir las elecciones en varios estados o en determinados distritos. Lo único inamovible, porque está en la Constitución, es la fecha de toma de posesión: el 20 de enero a las 12 del mediodía. Para entonces deber haber un ganador y un presidente. Lo contrario sería un golpe de Estado.

Derrota aplastante

Trump pierde de manera aplastante. Varios indicadores apuntan a una catástrofe. El voto suburbano se consolida en favor de Biden gracias a las mujeres. El voto blanco urbano y joven empieza a abandonar al presidente, y baja el apoyo de los mayores. Dos organizaciones de republicanos moderados  han pasado al ataque frontal. Crece el movimiento Never Trump que podría ser tan movilizador como el Yes We Can de Obama. Si la derrota fuese inapelable, los republicanos que le jalean y temen le empujarían a aceptar el resultado. No tendría posibilidades de resistir más allá del esperpento.

No hay elecciones

Trump suspende las elecciones. La fecha del 3 de noviembre está determinada por una ley federal de 1845, "el primer martes después del primer lunes de noviembre". Para modificarla necesita un acuerdo en el Congreso. Los republicanos dominan el Senado, pero no la Cámara de Representantes. El fiscal general del Estado, William Barr, ha abandonado toda neutralidad del cargo y actúa sin disimulo como el abogado del presidente. Busca desde hace semanas un resquicio legal que permita a Trump gobernar por decreto, sin el control del Parlamento. Les ayuda John Yoo, el abogado que sentó la base jurídica para justificar la tortura en las cárceles secretas de la CIA y en Guantánamo durante la presidencia de George Bush.

El uso de policías federales vestidos de militares sin identificación y en coches camuflados, sin matrículas ni distintivos, debería servir a aviso. Trump quiere repetir el despliegue de fuerza en Chicago, y amenaza a Nueva York. El objetivo es triple: vender el lema "ley y orden", asustar y movilizar a su base blanca y crear una situación de caos que unido a una segunda ola de covid en otoño le permita invocar unos poderes de emergencia --que no tiene-- para suspender las elecciones y mantenerse uno o varios años como presidente. Sería la muerte de la democracia en EEUU, un tsunami que pondría en riesgo las nuestras.
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