Anti-Trumpism in Latin America

Published in La jornada
(Mexico) on 23 August 2020
by Alfredo Serrano Mancilla and Silvina Romano (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Tom Walker. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
Donald Trump has achieved something quite significant: He has established himself as the central axis of politics in Latin America. Today, taking a position in favor of or against him and his ideas is the new criterion for grouping together the various political factions, as well as the preferences of citizens.

The distinctive thing about this plebiscite on the president of the United States is that it is distributed very unequally between the two sides. The great majority of people in Latin America reject his style of politics.

In the four most recent polls conducted in Latin America in Chile, Mexico, Bolivia and Ecuador by the Latin American Strategic Center for Geopolitics in the past two months, we have observed that no fewer than 70% of the residents in each of these countries have a negative image of Trump. These percentages are in line with another study, by the Washington-based Pew Research Center, for Argentina (almost 70%) and Brazil (60%).

Within each country, regardless of which disaggregation criterion we used, there is not much difference among social groups, with rare exceptions. In Chile, for example, in the population that self-identifies as right-leaning and sees itself as upper class, the level of rejection of Trump is lower (62%-64%). In Bolivia, among those who voted for the ultraright Luis Fernando Camacho, we also found that Trump’s image was not so negative (50%). In Ecuador, among the upper class, on the right and with those opposed to former Ecuadoran President Rafael Correa, the positive image of Trump is growing.

Beyond those rare exceptions, anti-Trumpism is a phenomenon that cuts across normal boundaries; it is a new common feeling permeating all of Latin America. In a short time, it has even succeeded in displacing other ordering principles that were very much present in previous years. His meddling stance, his supremacist personality, his belligerent language, his anti-immigration policies and his near lack of empathy, even contempt, toward Latin America, have provoked a strong backlash in the region.

However, this animosity is out of sync with the close relationship several presidents have with Trump. This is the case with Jeanine Áñez Chávez (Bolivia), Lenín Moreno Garcés (Ecuador), Sebastián Piñera Echenique (Chile), Mario Abdo Benítez (Paraguay) and Iván Duque Márquez (Colombia). This has given rise to a complex dilemma that the conservative governments of the region have to deal with: how to reconcile the great extent to which they depend on the president of the United States with what the majority of their citizens think.

We are faced with a new axis that is reorganizing the political field and, consequently, also the electoral field. In his own way, Trump has succeeded in bringing together a large group of Latin American citizens who, for any other reason, surely would not have found common ground. At times, in politics, and in the electoral area in particular, scenarios are created in which majorities form in opposition to a common enemy, rather than being united in support of something positive.

This does not mean that anti-Trumpism is strong enough to make it the significant organizing principle of every political or electoral movement, the way the anti-Macri movement, for example, was in Argentina, or the way the growing rejection of the Chilean economic model is today. It is true that the emerging anti-Trumpism in Latin America does not have that power, but we should not underestimate it, because it represents a key piece in the development of a field of discourse favorable to progressivism.

Trump is not just a controversial and eccentric figure; he is also the symbol of an inefficient model of public policy directed against the people; institutions with a very low degree of governance; a failure in terms of the management of COVID-19 and a matrix of reactionary values. He is the leading exponent of an economic, cultural and social project, and he exerts a great influence on the pattern of behavior of the conservative political class. What will the leaders of the Latin American right do? Imitate Trump? Will they want to have their photo taken with him? Or will they be inclined to distance themselves from him, in line with the preferences of the citizens of Latin America?


El antitrumpismo en América Latina

Trump ha conseguido algo muy significativo: constituirse como eje ordenador de la política en América Latina. Posicionarse en favor o en contra de su figura y sus ideas supone hoy un nuevo criterio dominante para agrupar a los diferentes grupos políticos y también a las preferencias ciudadanas.

Esta suerte de plebiscito ideológico sobre el presidente de Estados Unidos tiene una particularidad: distribuye muy desigualmente a los que están a un lado y al otro. La gran mayoría latinoamericana rechaza su manera de hacer política.

En las últimas cuatro encuestas del Celag realizadas en los pasados dos meses en América Latina, para Chile, México, Bolivia y Ecuador, observamos que cómo mínimo, 70 por ciento de la ciudadanía en cada país tiene una imagen negativa de Trump. Estos porcentajes están en la línea con otro estudio del Centro de Investigaciones Pew, con sede en Washington, para Argentina (casi 70 por ciento) y Brasil (60 por ciento).

Dentro de cada país, sea cual fuere el criterio de desagregación que apliquemos, no hay apenas diferencia entre grupos sociales, salvo en contadas excepciones. Por ejemplo, en Chile, en la población que se autoidentifica de derecha y en la clase alta (autopercibida), el nivel de rechazo a Trump es más bajo (62-64 por ciento). En Bolivia, entre los votantes del ultraderechista Camacho, también hallamos que la imagen de Trump es valorada como menos negativa (50 por ciento). En Ecuador, en la clase alta, en la derecha y en el anticorreismo, crece la imagen positiva del magnate.

Más allá de esas contadísimas salvedades, el antitrumpismo es un fenómeno transversal, es un nuevo sentido común de época que está impregnado en toda Latinoamérica. En poco tiempo ha logrado, incluso, desbancar otros ejes ordenadores que estuvieron muy presentes en años anteriores. Su postura injerencista, su carácter supremacista, su lenguaje belicista, sus políticas antimigratorias y su poca empatía (e incluso desprecio) hacia América Latina han provocado un rechazo muy amplio en la región.

Sin embargo, esta animadversión ciudadana está disociada de la relación estrecha que tienen algunos presidentes con Trump. Este es el caso de Jeanine Áñez (Bolivia), Lenín Moreno (Ecuador), Sebastián Piñera (Chile), Mario Abdo (Paraguay) o Iván Duque (Colombia). Nace así un dilema complejo que deben afrontar los gobiernos conservadores de la región: compatibilizar su alto grado de dependencia del presidente de Estados Unidos con lo que piensa mayoritariamente la gente.

Estamos ante un nuevo eje reordenador del campo político y, en consecuencia, también del electoral. A su manera, Trump logra hacer coincidir a un gran grupo de ciudadanos en América Latina que, por otra razón, seguramente no hubieran llegado a acercar posturas. A veces, en política –y en particular en el terreno electoral– se generan escenarios en los que se crean mayorías por el rechazo a un enemigo común, en vez de estar unidos por algo en positivo.

Esto no significa que el antitrumpismo tenga la fuerza suficiente como para constituirse como el significante articulador de cualquier proyecto político o electoral, como así lo fuera, por ejemplo, el antimacrismo en Argentina u, hoy, el creciente rechazo contra el modelo económico chileno. Es cierto que el antitrumpismo emergente en Latinoamérica no tiene esa capacidad, pero no debemos subestimarlo porque supone una pieza clave para diseñar un campo discursivo en favor del progresismo.

Trump no es sólo una figura controversial y excéntrica; también es símbolo de un modelo ineficiente de políticas públicas en contra de la gente; instituciones con muy bajo grado de gobernabilidad; un fracaso en términos de gestión del Covid-19; una matriz de valores reaccionarios. Es el máximo exponente de un proyecto económico, cultural y social, y ejerce gran influencia en el patrón de comportamiento de la clase política conservadora. ¿Qué harán los líderes políticos de la derecha latinoamericana? ¿Imitarán a Trump? ¿Querrán tomarse una foto con él? ¿O estarán dispuestos a alejarse, en línea de las preferencias de la ciudadanía en América Latina?

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