Inauguration of New Biden Administration: Revitalizing International Order with New Thinking

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 21 January 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Has a new American administration ever begun under such depressing circumstances?

Usually, a presidential inauguration is a celebration that confirms the principles of democracy. The international community tries to discern what course the world will take from the words of the new superpower leader.

But America is now suffering from considerable domestic division and lost prestige in addition to the COVID-19 disaster.

Even as Donald Trump’s administration leaves, if the pile of domestic and foreign problems does not change, prospects for the future are uncertain.

Will the United States be able to come together and display the leadership needed to restore the global order? President Joe Biden has embarked on a stormy voyage.

Conquering Division Is an Urgent Task

Washington is still in shock from the attack on the Capitol. Some 25,000 U.S. Army troops were deployed to protect the inauguration. This is more than the total number of troops currently stationed in Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria.

Former President Trump boycotted the ceremony, the first time this has happened since 1869, following the Civil War.

America’s political strife has cut through society, as if the United States has imported the kind of thinking that existed during the Cold War. Polls show that one-third of American citizens do not recognize Biden as a legitimate president. Meanwhile, more than 400,000 Americans have died from COVID-19. Together, the social division and and massive loss of life evoke the Civil War of the 19th century.

During this crisis, empathy has been Biden’s strong suit, Biden being the oldest president in American history at 78. He suffered from stuttering as a child, which has given him insight into other people’s pain. In his life as a politician, he has also overcome the tragedy of losing family to accident and illness.

During the COVID-19 crisis, people have longed for a leader capable of empathizing with others. We expect that the Biden administration, marked by its diversity beginning with Kamala Harris, the first female vice president, will fulfill Biden’s wish to heal the wounds of division.

Putting the Brakes on Nationalism

But one cannot dismiss the idea that the moderate Biden was elected by default in the wake of the previous administration, which tested the boundaries of democracy.

His long experience as a senator and vice president will definitely be an asset. Yet the many problems that he faces cannot be handled by turning to the past. Instead, we need action that shines a light on the problems that have settled deep in the crevices of society over successive administrations.

How can the middle class, thinned out by changes in the industrial structure, be revitalized? How can the administration support America’s tolerant immigration policy, one of the country’s strengths, in a way that reenergizes society and stimulates innovative technology?

If we ignore inequality, there is probably no defense against a return of Trump-style populism. We need an inclusive kind of governance that has the power to overcome division.

From an international perspective, America’s unilateral power after the end of the Cold War completely ended under the previous administration. The past administration has been viewed as marking a return to competition between the great powers, and a struggle for hegemony between America and China that has been likened to a new cold war.

However, here, too, we must refrain from old-fashioned thinking. The modern era, where interdependence has advanced through globalization, cannot be understood as a two-sided confrontation.

The Biden administration needs to shift from the traditional thinking about nations as individual actors. The relative sense of America’s decline is unlikely to change, but building cooperation with countries that share democratic values would be a rational way to proceed.

Given climate change, policy for controlling the pandemic and a framework of tariffs, international cooperation never been as vital as it is now. Biden bears the heavy responsibility of putting the brakes on the international spread of nationalism and authoritarianism and rebuilding the world order.

Accordingly, we salute Biden’s immediate move to rejoin the Paris climate agreement. He should repair the alliances with Europe and strengthen international opinion in support of human rights and the rule of law.

Drawing up a Plan To Participate in Asia

America should seriously aim to participate in Asia, a region said to be shaping the 21st century.

Trump skipped the East Asia Summit for four consecutive years. He dwelled on confrontation with China and pretended to have a honeymoon with leader of North Korea, but never had any careful, long-term strategy.

How will Biden revise America’s policy toward Asia as a Pacific player and contribute to a serious network for cooperation?

The competition between China and the United States will continue, but no one is looking for a confrontation. It will benefit the world to guide China’s peaceful development and bring stability and prosperity to Asia.

Biden should also begin looking into rebuilding a multilateral framework to make North Korea abandon nuclear weapons. Consistent American participation is vital to stabilize the Korean Peninsula.

The Japanese-American alliance will likely grow for the public good in the region. But it cannot merely depend on personal relations between heads of state. We must create a diplomatic structure that lets Japan direct the peace of the region autonomously.

Although the storm that brought American destruction of the world order has abated, government leaders, including those in Japan and Europe, must realize that the days of relying on a specific superpower are over.


米国の新政権が、これほどに沈鬱(ちんうつ)な雰囲気のなかで発足した事態があっただろうか。

 いつもであれば、就任式典は民主主義の原点を確認する祝祭の場だった。国際社会は超大国の新リーダーの言葉に、世界の針路を見いだそうとした。

 その米国が今、コロナ禍に加え、国内の著しい分断と威信の低下にあえいでいる。

 トランプ政権が去っても、国内外に山積する難題は変わらぬまま、見通しは立たない。

 合衆国の再統合と、国際秩序を再生する指導力を発揮できるか。ジョー・バイデン大統領が波乱含みの船出を迎えた。

 ■分断の克服が急務

 首都ワシントンは今も議事堂襲撃事件の衝撃の中にある。

 式典の厳戒態勢で投入された米兵は最大2万5千人。イラクとアフガニスタン、シリアでの現在の駐留総計を上回る。

 前大統領トランプ氏は、式典をボイコットした。前職の欠席は、南北戦争後の1869年以来のことだ。

 米国の政争は、まるで冷戦思考を国内に持ち込んだかのように、社会を切り裂いた。国民の3分の1はバイデン氏を正統な大統領と認めていない、という調査結果もある。

 一方、コロナ禍による米国の死者は40万人を超えた。社会の分裂と同時進行する多数の命の喪失は、19世紀の南北戦争を想起させるともいわれる。

 この難局の下、米史上最高齢の78歳で就任するバイデン氏の強みは共感力だ。

 青少年のころは吃音(きつおん)に悩み、「人々の痛みへの洞察力が身についた」。政治家になってからも家族を事故や病魔で失う悲劇を乗り越えてきた。

 コロナ禍のなか、「他者」に共感できる指導者像を国民は待望した。女性初の副大統領ハリス氏をはじめ、多様性に配慮した政権の布陣は、分断の傷を癒やす意思表示と期待したい。

 ■自国第一に歯止めを

 ただ、民主主義の規範をかき乱した前政権の後だけに、穏健なバイデン氏が消極的に選ばれた、という側面も否めない。

 副大統領や長い議会経験などは確かに強みになろう。だが、直面する諸課題は、過去の踏襲で対処できるものではない。むしろ、歴代政権の間に社会の深層に沈殿してきた問題に光をあてる作業こそが求められる。

 産業構造の転換で細った中間層の厚みをどう取り戻すか。米国の強みだった寛容な移民政策をどう支え、社会の活力や技術革新を強めていくか。

 格差を放置していては、トランプ的ポピュリズムの再来を防ぐことはできないだろう。様々な分断を克服する包摂力のある統治が求められる。

 国際的な視点に立てば、冷戦終結から続いた米一極支配は、前政権の下で完全に終わった。「大国間競争」への回帰がいわれ、米中の覇権争いに再び「冷戦」の言葉が飛び交う。

 しかし、ここも古い思考に陥ってはなるまい。グローバル化で相互依存が進む現代は、二項対立では捉えられない。

 バイデン政権は、旧来の国単位の安全保障観から転換するべきだ。相対的に米国の存在感が陰る流れは変えられそうにないが、その分、民主主義の価値観を共有する国々との連携を強めるのは合理的な選択だ。

 気候変動や感染症対策、貿易や租税の枠組みづくりなども含め、今ほど国際協調を必須とする時はない。世界的な「自国第一」と権威主義の蔓延(まんえん)に歯止めをかけ、国際社会全体の秩序を再構築する重責が、バイデン氏の双肩にかかっている。

 その意味で、気候変動をめぐるパリ協定への復帰などで即座に動いたことは評価したい。欧州などとの同盟関係を修復し、人権や法の支配を重んじる国際世論を強めていくべきだ。

 ■アジア関与策を描け

 米国は、21世紀を形づくる地域といわれるアジアとの関与を真剣にめざすべきだろう。

 トランプ氏は東アジアサミットを4年連続で欠席した。中国との対決を強調し、北朝鮮首脳との蜜月を演出したが、周到で長期的な戦略を欠いた。

 バイデン氏は、太平洋国家としての米国のアジア重視政策を練り直し、本格的な連携網づくりに着手してはどうか。

 米中の競合は続くが、その衝突はだれも望まない。中国の平和的な発展への誘導と、アジアの安定した繁栄をもたらすことは、世界の利益に直結する。

 北朝鮮に核を放棄させるための多国間枠組みを立て直す検討も始めるべきだ。朝鮮半島を安定させるには、米国の一貫性ある関与が必要だ。

 地域の「公共財」としての日米同盟の役割は増大していくだろう。ただ、首脳同士の個人的な関係に頼るのではなく、日本が主体的に地域の和平を描く外交構想を立てねばなるまい。

 米国が秩序を壊す嵐はいったん止(や)んだとはいえ、もはや特定の大国に頼りきる時代は去ったことを、日欧を含む各国首脳は自覚しておいたほうがいい。
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