United States’ Strategy Is Changing: The Tsai Government Must Wake Up

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 1 February 2021
by Ting Shou-Chung (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Since the end of World War II, the U.S. has been positioning itself as the world's policeman, and its global security commitments and unending wars overseas have led to a decline in national power and an underbrush of internal problems. These serious domestic challenges, and the enormous burden they place on the federal government's budget, have led to a consensus among knowledgeable Americans and political leaders of both parties that, in the face of change, a rethinking of the United States’ international strategy and role will be crucial.

The mainstream U.S. strategy after World War II has been one that stresses U.S. hegemony and its role as world police. On the other hand, moderates who advocate restraint promote a strict definition of core U.S. interests: to reduce overseas troop presence, to renegotiate or terminate overseas security commitments, to avoid the use of force and to increase cooperation with other powers to resolve disputes by peaceful means. These moderates have long been suppressed by the strategic mainstream, which sees them as weak, isolationist and detrimental to the expansion of U.S. hegemony.

After Joe Biden took office, even the Rand Corp., which has always had significant influence on U.S. defense and diplomatic warfare, changed its previous mainstream position and released its latest report, "Implementing Restraint: Changes in U.S. Regional Security Policies To Operationalize a Realist Grand Strategy of Restraint," at the end of January, hoping to draw greater attention to the issue and stimulate thought from all fields of study in the United States. This act makes it clear that U.S. strategy is changing.

In this report, the section on China policy is of most relevance to us. It is evident that the moderates do not view a U.S.-China conflict as inevitable. They argue that the risk of conflict and war with China will be reduced if the U.S. takes the initiative to move to a more conciliatory policy, reduces its military presence in East Asia, establishes a mechanism of mutual trust with China and recognizes and confronts the influence of China's rise on East Asian countries.

They have even proposed that the U.S. should intervene by force in the Asia-Pacific region only in the face of Japan's subjugation by China. There are even different views on whether the U.S.-Japan security treaty should be upheld in the case of a dispute between China and Japan over the Tiaoyutai Islands.* They advocate reducing the United States’ commitment to Taiwan; that even if China invaded Taiwan, it would not result in Chinese hegemony in the region, and therefore the U.S. should not intervene militarily. The moderates advocate restarting mutually beneficial trade and investment with China, expanding cooperation with China on climate change, anti-terrorism, nuclear nonproliferation and issues regarding the Korean Peninsula.

The U.S. is afflicted by serious domestic problems, and internal affairs should take precedence. It takes a single falling leaf to herald the coming of autumn — starting with the report published by the Rand Corp., an organization that traditionally backed the mainstream strategy, the United States’ global and China strategies are changing. The Biden administration, with its new officials in office, sees the China issue as the first issue that they must address with allied nations. Although the newly in power administration is still promoting a harsh stance toward China, it is only doing so to put up a necessary front before policy adjustments. The Democratic Progressive Party administration** must wake up! Even the U.S. is following its self-interest toward a peaceful relationship with China. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait share a language, a race and the same ancestors, not to mention a huge number of common interests in economy and trade — does the Tsai government really want to keep on saying "Wuhan coronavirus" and charging down its anti-China path?

*Translator’s note: These are referred to as the Senkaku Islands by Japan.
**Editor’s note: The Democratic Progressive Party controls the presidency and the unicameral legislature of Taiwan.


二戰結束以來,美國以世界警察自居,全球安全承諾與無終止的海外戰爭,搞得美國國力衰退與內部問題叢生。這些國內嚴峻挑戰,及其對聯邦政府預算的龐大負擔,讓美國國內有識之士及政界兩黨領袖都有共識,面對變局,勢必重新思考美國的國際戰略與角色。

二戰後美國戰略主流派就是美國霸權與世界警察。節制派則主張從嚴界定美國核心利益;主張裁減海外駐軍;重議或終止海外安全承諾;絕不輕易動用武力;更應與其他強權國家加強合作,並用和平方式解決爭端。長久以來節制派都被戰略主流派打壓,視他們為軟弱孤立主義,不利美國霸權擴張。

拜登上台後,連一向對美國國防外交戰略有重大影響力的蘭德公司,都一改過去主流派立場,竟然在一月底發表最新報告《實施節制:美國區域安全政策改變,及可運作的現實主義節制大戰略》,希望以此報告引起美國各界更大的關注與布局思考。此一動作,說明美國大戰略要改變了。

在這份報告中,其中中國政策跟我們最有關,很明顯的,節制派不認同美中鬥爭是不可避免。主張美國若主動調整採取較妥協政策,主張在東亞減少駐軍,與中國建立互信機制,承認並面對中國崛起對東亞國家的影響力,就能減低與中國的衝突與戰爭風險。

他們甚至認為在亞太地區,只有面對日本被中國征服的狀況,美國才該動用武力干預。對中日若發生釣魚台爭議,該不該啓動美日安保機制也有不同意見。他們主張降低對台灣的承諾,即使中國對台入侵,也不會造成中國在區域稱霸,所以不同意美國應軍事介入。節制派主張重啓跟中國的互惠貿易與投資;擴大在氣候變遷、反恐、反核擴散,及在朝鮮半島方面,跟中國進行更大合作。

美國國內問題嚴重,內政優先。從一貫戰略主流派蘭德公司發表的報告,一葉知秋,美國全球及對中國戰略要改變了。拜登政府新官上任,都視中國問題是與盟國間需處理的第一要務。一上台雖仍高調嗆中國,但那只是政策調整前的必要假動作,民進黨政府要覺醒了!美國自我國家利益至上都要「和中」了,兩岸同文同種同祖先,兩岸經貿有巨大共同利益,蔡政府還要口口聲聲説武漢肺炎,一味反中嗎?
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