US-China Strategic Confrontation 20 Years Overdue

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 10 April 2021
by Huang Chieh-cheng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jaime Cantwell. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
The current situation is just the same as it was 20 years ago. U.S.-China relations have become tense, U.S.-Taiwan relations have improved significantly and cross-strait relations have been broken. If the strategic competition between the U.S. and China had been put into practice 20 years ago, the international power structure would have evolved into a situation that would be very different from what we see today.

On May 7, 1999, the B-2 stealth bomber that took off from the Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri flew tens of thousands of miles to Eastern Europe and destroyed the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia. No one in China believed the U.S.'s claim that the bombing was accidental. Though Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said she was sorry, she wouldn’t use the word “apologize,” making it even more difficult for Beijing to swallow.

On May 25, the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Elections released the Cox Report after a series of investigations, alleging that China had illegally stolen technology related to American nuclear weapons. This was a continuation of the Senate hearing that had started two years before, based on the claim that China illegally obtained U.S. military secrets through spies. Washington's political circles have thus deepened their doubts about China.

In front of the Oval Office in the White House, an American tourist asked me, "Are you Chinese?" Having lived in Washington for 15 years at the time, I was suddenly speechless. In April 2001, staff were brought to visit the United States, which coincided with the U.S.-China Hainan Island incident. At that time, the outside world was unable to obtain images of the US EP-3E military plane’s forced landing on Hainan Island. The U.S. media only broadcast old, irrelevant videotapes of Iran holding hostages in the U.S. embassy.

At that time, I went to the United States mainly to investigate the Republican Party's long-awaited plan to change the situation of the Bill Clinton administration's arms sales policy with Taiwan. U.S. officials in the Pentagon stopped and asked me: Is it possible that there are any systems below sea level? Sure enough, the George W. Bush administration announced major arms sales later that same month, including Kidd-class destroyers, P-3 anti-submarine warfare, Patriot missiles, two amphibious assault vehicles and eight diesel-electric submarines.

On July 9, 1999, President Lee Teng-hui said in an interview with the German media that cross-strait relations should be a "special state-to-state relationship." This attracted a strong reaction from the Chinese People's Liberation Army. Since then, our air force fighters have aggressively cruised west of the central line of the strait. In 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party came to power for the first time and was unwilling to adopt new ideas that would obscure the 1992 Consensus. Even if Koo Chenfu and Wang Daohan were still there, official relations across the strait would still have come to an abrupt halt.

The 9/11 terrorist attack organized by Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida in 2001 changed almost everything. The primary threat to U.S. national security is not China, but terrorism. The U.S. military that swiftly won the Persian Gulf War has fallen into chaos in the Middle East and has been unable to withdraw for 20 years. The astronomical war costs and the financial crisis have caused the U.S. national power and economy to be hit hard enough to require thinking about the Thucydides Trap.

Twenty years ago, the gross domestic product of the United States was 10 times that of mainland China, but now the U.S. is facing the embarrassment of that number being surpassed. Twenty years later, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has determined, "China is the only country with the economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system." Is this the final wake-up call for American exceptionalism, or is it a wake-up call for the rise of the East and fall of the West?

It may be said that there are certain objective laws for the rise and fall of powers, or that history is not shifted by human subjective will. However, the two powers of the United States and China must face the greatest changes seen in a century, as well as a "black swan" transformation.

The strategic confrontation between the United States and China that was postponed 20 years ago is now developing right in front of Taiwan. The United States and China may be worried about their rise and fall, but Taiwan must worry about survival. People with lofty ideals from all walks of life in the ruling and opposition parties should turn around and plan for a change in the world outside of the Air Defense Identification Zone.

The author is an associate professor at the Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies of Tamkang University, and the chairman of the Council on Strategic and War Gaming Studies.


相較於廿年前情境,竟與現在若合符節:美中關係趨於緊張,美台關係大幅改善,兩岸關係處於斷線。倘美國與中國大陸戰略競爭廿年前實踐,國際權力結構演變,諒與當今所見態勢迥異。

一九九九年五月七日,從美國密蘇里州懷特曼基地起飛的B-2隱形轟炸機,奔襲數萬哩飛往東歐,竟炸毀中國大陸駐南斯拉夫大使館,全大陸無人相信美方所稱誤炸。歐布萊特國務卿只稱sorry,堅拒apology,北京更難以吞嚥。

五月廿五日,美國眾議院選任委員會經由系列調查,公布「考克斯報告」,指稱中國非法竊取美國核子武器相關技術,連同兩年前展開的參議院聽證,中國透過諜報員非法獲取美軍事機密,華府政壇對中國疑慮深化。

白宮橢圓形廣場前,「你是中國人嗎?」一位美國遊客提問,竟讓在華府居住十五年的我,頓時語塞。二○○一年四月率幕僚訪美,恰遇美中「南海軍機擦撞事件」。當時外界無法獲得美EP-3軍機迫降海南島畫面,美媒播出的盡是伊朗扣留美國大使館人質不相干舊影帶。

當時赴美,主要是探察共和黨醞釀已久,預備一改柯林頓政府對台軍售政策之實際情況。五角大廈內美國官員支吾說法,讓我追問:可否暗示有無任何海平面以下系統?果然布希政府在同月稍後,宣布重大軍售,包括紀德級驅逐艦、P-3反潛機、愛國者飛彈、兩棲突擊甲車、以及八艘柴電潛艦。

一九九九年七月九日,李登輝總統接受德國媒體訪問時說,兩岸關係應該是「特殊的國與國關係」,引來中共解放軍強烈反應,從此我空軍健兒霸氣巡航「海峽中線」以西,幾成絕響。二○○○年民進黨首次執政,不願採用模糊「九二共識」新創意,即使辜振甫、汪道涵二老還在,兩岸官方關係嘎然而止。

賓拉丹與凱達組織在二○○一年的「九一一恐怖攻擊事件」,幾乎改變一切。美國國家安全首要威脅不是中國,而是恐怖主義;漂亮打贏波斯灣戰爭的美軍,陷入廿年無法撤出的中東亂局;天文數字戰費加上金融危機,美國國力與經濟竟重創到必須思考「修昔底德陷阱」。

廿年前,美國的GDP是中國大陸的十倍,如今卻面臨定將被超越的難堪。廿年後,布林肯國務卿認定:「中國是唯一擁有經濟、外交、軍事和技術實力,能對穩定和開放的國際體系構成嚴重挑戰的國家」。這究竟是敲響美利堅「例外主義」最後警鐘,還是給「東升西降」吹奏破曉的起床號?

或曰強權興衰有一定客觀規律,或曰歷史不以人的主觀意志為轉移,然美中兩強肯定同時面臨「百年未有之大變局」,彼此互為「灰犀牛」之常,也各有「黑天鵝」之變。

被推遲廿年前的美中戰略對抗,終究還是在台灣眼前全面鋪展。美中或將有興衰之憂,台灣則必有存亡之慮。朝野各界有志之士,總該轉個身,籌謀防空識別區以外的世界變局。

(作者為淡江大學戰略研究所副教授,戰略暨兵棋研究協會理事長)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Topics

Poland: Meloni in the White House. Has Trump Forgotten Poland?*

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

Japan: US Administration Losing Credibility 3 Months into Policy of Threats

Mauritius: Could Trump Be Leading the World into Recession?

India: World in Flux: India Must See Bigger Trade Picture

Palestine: US vs. Ansarallah: Will Trump Launch a Ground War in Yemen for Israel?

Ukraine: Trump Faces Uneasy Choices on Russia’s War as His ‘Compromise Strategy’ Is Failing

Related Articles

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

Japan: US Administration Losing Credibility 3 Months into Policy of Threats

Ukraine: Trump Faces Uneasy Choices on Russia’s War as His ‘Compromise Strategy’ Is Failing

Hong Kong: Can US Tariffs Targeting Hong Kong’s ‘Very Survival’ Really Choke the Life out of It?

India: Greenland: How To Handle America That Wants Everything