Hints of Review of US Military Reorganization Plan: Prefectural Government Must Prepare Its Opposition

Published in Ryūkyū Shimpō
(Japan) on 27 June 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Max Guerrera-Sapone. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
The movement to reduce the burden U.S. military bases place on Okinawa is facing a crisis. Commandant of the U.S. Marine Corps Gen. David H. Berger suggested that, in a global review of the U.S. military posture (the Global Posture Review), the proposed reorganization of the U.S. military in Japan, including the relocation of Marines based in Okinawa to Guam, could be reconsidered.

The U.S. military is planning to station mid-range ballistic missiles along the first island chain, which includes Okinawa. There is a possibility that this plan is predicated on scaling up the American military presence in Japan.

We fear that this review may result in the further integration of American and Japanese forces and lead to the entrenchment of the U.S. bases in Okinawa. It is absolutely impermissible to force the people of Okinawa to suffer an even greater burden than that already inflicted by the daily harm of living near the bases and the ever present danger that Okinawa will get drawn into a war. The prefectural government should resist the plans of the U.S. military and swiftly move to implement more effective measures to reduce the burden on Okinawa.

The reorganization of the U.S. military in Japan includes the relocation of 9,000 Okinawa-based Marines to Guam and other U.S. military bases in the Asia-Pacific region. At the time that the reorganization was agreed to in 2012, concerns that U.S. military bases in Okinawa were vulnerable to Chinese missile attacks were coupled with a movement to cut the national defense budget. The strategy adopted was to avoid unnecessarily provoking the Chinese, strengthen cooperation with allies and project authority from afar.

However, in response to changes in the security environment, America launched the Global Posture Review. The focus of the U.S. military has shifted from the Middle East, where it is drawing its forces down, to China and Russia.

In response to China’s military buildup, including the development of short and mid-range missile capability and naval expansion, America adopted the policy of encircling the country. This basic policy position has carried over from the Donald Trump administration to the Joe Biden administration.

The trigger for this strategic about-face was the scrapping of the Russian-American Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in August 2019. Following its abandonment, America soon began the development of short and mid-range missiles that had theretofore been prohibited by the treaty. Plans have surfaced to deploy these new missiles in the Ryukyus, Taiwan and the Philippines, which compromise the first island chain.

The United States Indo-Pacific Command has submitted a budget request for the development of a missile network, and Congress is already considering the matter. Perhaps in response to the American plans, from the end of last year, the Japanese government decided to begin development on an improved version of the Type 12 Surface-to-Ship missile with an increased flight range and new missiles that can attack from areas outside the range of enemy fire. The effort to integrate American and Japanese forces and increase the capabilities of their bases has progressed at a brisk pace.

The prefectural government must exercise the highest level of vigilance with regard to these plans, and take measures such as ordering its Washington office to gather and analyze whatever information it can about them. This is a matter of utmost importance; if what is proposed is implemented, Okinawa is liable to become the front line in a nuclear war.

The prefectural government has requested that the Japanese government develop a new plan for the retrocession of the U.S. military bases, with the aim of reducing the military presence in Okinawa. There is a risk, however, that the threat posed by China will be used as a pretext to scrap these demands.

Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki has petitioned the Japanese government to reduce the proportion of U.S. military facilities in Okinawa below 50% of the total within Japan in concurrence with the 50th anniversary of Okinawa’s return to Japanese rule. However, there is no indication as to precisely which facilities might be returned. Before the reconsideration of the U.S. military reorganization becomes a reality, the prefectural government should firmly reject the deployment of new-type missiles in Okinawa, propose clear plans for reducing the burden on the prefecture, and take a firm initiative to get these demands implemented.


沖縄の基地負担軽減が危機に直面している。バーガー米海兵隊司令官は世界的な米軍の態勢見直しに関し、在沖米海兵隊のグアム移転などを含む在日米軍再編も検討対象になり得るとの考えを示した。

 米軍は沖縄を含む第1列島線に沿って中距離弾道ミサイルを配備することを計画しており、在日米軍の増強を念頭に置いている可能性がある。
 見直しにより米軍と自衛隊が一体化を強め、沖縄の基地が強化される恐れがある。日常の基地被害や戦争に巻き込まれる危険性の高い基地負担をこれ以上、沖縄に強いることは絶対に許されない。県はこの動きに対抗し、より実効性のある負担軽減策を早期に打ち出すべきだ。
 在日米軍の再編は、在沖海兵隊約9千人を国外に移転しグアムなどに分散することなどを含む。2012年の再編合意時は、中国のミサイル射程内にある在沖米軍基地の脆(ぜい)弱(じゃく)性への懸念や国防予算削減の動きもあり、中国を過度に刺激せず周辺同盟国と連携を強化して遠巻きににらみを利かす戦略だった。
 しかし、米国は安全保障環境の変化に応じて世界的な米軍の態勢の見直しに着手した。駐留米軍の撤退など中東諸国で部隊展開を縮小する一方、中国やロシアへの対応に注力するシフトに変わった。
 短・中距離ミサイル開発や海洋進出など急速な軍拡を進める中国に対しては包囲網を敷く戦略を取っている。この戦略の基本路線はトランプ前政権からバイデン政権にも引き継がれている。
 戦略転換の契機は、19年8月の米ロによる中距離核戦力(INF)廃棄条約の破棄だ。米国はそれまで条約で禁じられていた短・中距離ミサイル開発に乗り出した。その配備先に浮上しているのが、南西諸島、台湾、フィリピンを結ぶ第1列島線である。
 インド太平洋軍はミサイル網構築のための予算を求めており、米議会は既に検討を進めている。米戦略に呼応するかのように日本政府は昨年末、陸上自衛隊の12式地対艦誘導弾の飛距離を延ばし、敵射程圏外から攻撃できるミサイルの開発を決めた。日米一体となって基地機能を飛躍的に強化する動きが活発だ。
 県はワシントン事務所に情報を収集させ分析するなどして、この動きを最大限警戒する必要がある。沖縄が核戦争の最前線に置かれる恐れがあるからだ。県は在沖米軍基地の縮小に向けた新たな返還計画を日米政府に求めているが、中国の脅威を理由に要求がほごにされる懸念がある。
 玉城デニー知事は、日本復帰50年に合わせて米軍専用施設の全国比を「50%以下」とする数値目標を政府に求めている。ただ具体的な返還施設は示していない。再編の見直しが固まる前に県は新型ミサイル配備を断固拒否する意思や具体的負担軽減策を明確に示し、要求を突き付ける強力な取り組みが必要だ。
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