Personality Clash

Published in El País
(Spain) on 28 July 2021
by Jorge Zepeda Patterson (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Marta Quirós Alarcón. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The deteriorating relationship between Mexico and the U.S. may have tragic consequences for the Latin American country. The countries should avoid gratuitous confrontations that result from blowing off steam.

The always complicated relationship between Mexico and the United States is clearly deteriorating. In recent weeks, friction over the economy, politics, health care, insecurity and the environment is starting to create a strained atmosphere in which Mexico will undoubtedly bear the worst consequences, considering the huge inequality in the balance of forces between the two countries.

The most prominent economic tensions are emerging from the new trade agreement, which includes tighter restrictions with regard to the automotive industry and maquiladora industry in general,* as well as tougher wage and employment adjustments (which Washington is using to to reassure its own working-class sector, one that was once sympathetic to Democratic politicians). The pressure from certain U.S. corporate interests, especially in the energy sector, should not be underestimated, impacted as they were by the counter-reform that the administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador promoted.

Beyond the controversy that could arise from the Mexican government’s intention to increase it interference and control over these matters, the truth is that many of the contracts signed with foreign countries during the previous six-year period are truly abusive and have led to a reevaluation. This has caused obvious discomfort within the companies affected. Apart from lobbying on Capitol Hill and at the White House, these powerful groups are helped by the fact that they can pass some of their interests off as environmental concerns. President Joe Biden’s penchant for alternative energy and his fight against climate change stand in contrast to the Obradorian government's proclivity to use fossil fuels. This is a source of growing friction between both governments.

For now, the greatest tension stems from the divergent handling of the pandemic. The neighbor to the north's border closure affects nonessential travel and is disrupting life on both sides of the wall. And despite the Mexican government’s efforts to vaccinate 100% of adults in bordering cities, Washington is not yet satisfied. Worse still, there is a risk that some kind of prohibition will spread to areas that depend on tourism such as the Mexican Caribbean or Los Cabos.

Matters of public safety and the war on drug trafficking are not having the best moment, either. The Drug Enforcement Agency has not yet recovered from the friction caused by the case of the former Mexican defense secretary, who was arrested in the United States and accused of having links with organized crime. The protection provided by the Mexican government and the strong accusations against the FDA, which were called intrusive, created tension that will take a long time to dissipate.

Political instability in Cuba opened up an unexpected front in this list of conflicts between the two countries. Although it is true that López Obrador has tried to cultivate a neutral relationship around geopolitical issues of interest to Americans under the banner that the best foreign policy is domestic policy, the Cuban matter is an issue he could not dismiss. Historically, even under neoliberal governments, Mexico has maintained an independent position with respect to the Caribbean island, standing against the isolationist policy promoted by the United States. The announcement in the last few days that Mexico would be sending fuel to Cuba may have been interpreted by hawks in the State Department as a refusal to follow U.S. strategy. The State Department has already made its its irritation known with respect to López Obrador’s recent remarks about the need to replace the Organization of American States with a different organization, one less supportive of Washington.

It is not easy to explain in an article why López Obrador had such a cordial, even warm, relationship with Donald Trump, and why he has such a distant relationship with Biden. On paper, it should have been quite the opposite. It is not easy to explain also doing so depends in large part on personalities. Despite their different beginnings, Trump and López Obrador seemed to be united by the mutual awareness of being outsiders with respect to the political elite, nationalists who are distrustful of multilateralism or globalization and have a blind faith in the power of personalized voluntarism exercised as a president. Without admitting as much, at least López Obrador seems to view Biden as a professional bureaucrat. For his part, Biden has greatly refrained from expressing any opinions about López Obrador, but has made it clear that he would rather not have to deal with him directly.

Certainly, none of this means that there is a severe political or economic crisis in the relationship between both countries. There is so much interdependence and complexity in the ties between the two nations, and at so many levels, that most of the inertia takes place despite the politicians’ likes and dislikes and their respective idiosyncrasies. However, the backlash these disagreements may cause cannot be understated either. Tighter terms at the negotiating table or the simple desire to send a warning could result in tragic consequences for avocado exporters, the transport and maquiladora industries, or some tourist resort, to name some delicate areas.

The proximity between such different and yet interdependent countries causes friction, which is natural, but also necessary if such countries want to keep from being overwhelmed by the consequences that come from being unequal in size and power. Many of those on this battlefront respond to Mexico’s legitimate right to maintain its sovereignty and defend interests that are vital for the country and its citizens. However, the damage control response caused by this friction should not be disregarded, since certain Mexican lives and fortunes depend on it. Above all, gratuitous confrontations should be avoided, since they simply arise from wanting to blow off steam over an occasionally irritating neighbor, or are attributable to what Fito Paez** would call a clash of personalities.

*Editor's note: Maquiladoras are companies that export finished goods made by factories, allowing the factories to operate with little to no concern about about tariffs or export duties.

**Editor’s note: Fito Paez is a popular Argentine musician and film director.


Incompatibilidad de caracteres

El deterioro en las relaciones entre México y EE UU puede tener consecuencias trágicas para el país latinoamericano. Habría que evitar aquellas confrontaciones gratuitas que salen de las ganas de desahogarse

La relación de México y Estados Unidos, que nunca es sencilla, está deteriorándose de manera visible. Fricciones económicas, políticas, sanitarias, de inseguridad y de medio ambiente surgidas en las últimas semanas comienzan a derivar en un clima enrarecido en el que, sin duda, México cargaría con las peores consecuencias, habida cuenta la enorme desigualdad que existe en la correlación de fuerzas entre ambos países.

Entre las tensiones económicas destacan las que derivan del nuevo tratado comercial que incluye restricciones más severas en materia automotriz y en general sobre la industria maquiladora, además de acondicionamientos salariales y laborales más exigentes (con los que Washington intenta tranquilizar a sus propios sectores obreros, otrora afines a los políticos demócratas). Tampoco pueden desestimarse las presiones de algunos intereses empresariales estadounidenses, particularmente en el sector energético, afectados por la contrarreforma impulsada por la Administración de Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

Más allá de la polémica que pueda despertar la intención del Gobierno mexicano de otorgar al Estado mayor ingerencia y control sobre estos temas, lo cierto es que muchos de los contratos firmados con compañías extranjeras en el sexenio anterior resultan verdaderamente leoninos y han obligado a un replanteamiento que provoca evidentes molestias en las empresas afectadas. Al margen del cabildeo de estos poderosos grupos sobre el Capitolio y la Casa Blanca, les favorece el hecho de que pueden hacer pasar por argumentos ambientalistas algunos de sus intereses. La inclinación del presidente Biden por las energías alternativas y su combate al calentamiento global contrastan con la proclividad del Gobierno obradorista al uso de recursos fósiles. Un motivo de creciente desavenencia entre ambos gobiernos.

Por ahora la tensión más aguda deriva del tratamiento divergente sobre la pandemia. El cierre de la frontera dictada por el vecino del norte, que afecta a “viajes no esenciales”, trastorna la vida a ambos lados del muro y a pesar de los esfuerzos del Gobierno mexicano, que está vacunando al 100% de los adultos en las ciudades limítrofes, Washington no se ha dado por satisfecho. Peor aún, existe el riesgo de que algún tipo de veto se extienda a zonas que dependen del turismo como el Caribe mexicano o Los Cabos.

Los temas de seguridad pública y combate al narcotráfico tampoco pasan por un buen momento; la DEA aún no se repone de la fricción que generó el caso del exsecretario de la Defensa detenido en Estados Unidos, acusado de tener vínculos con el crimen organizado. La protección que le otorgó el Gobierno mexicano y las fuertes acusaciones en contra de la agencia estadounidense, tildada de intervencionista, generó una molestia que tardará en disiparse.

La inestabilidad política en Cuba abrió un frente inesperado en este inventario de desencuentros entre los dos países. Si bien es cierto que López Obrador ha intentado cultivar una relación neutral con los temas geopolíticos que interesan a los estadounidenses, bajo la consigna de que la mejor política exterior es la política interna, el caso cubano constituye un asunto que no podía ignorar. Tradicionalmente, incluso en gobiernos neoliberales, México ha sostenido respecto a la isla caribeña una actitud independiente, contraria a la política aislacionista promovida por Estados Unidos. El envío de combustibles anunciado en los últimos días puede ser interpretado por parte de los halcones del Departamento de Estado como un boicot a su estrategia. Una oficina que ya mostraba irritación por las declaraciones de AMLO hace unos días, sobre la necesidad de sustituir a la OEA por otra organización menos alineada a Washington.

No es tarea fácil explicar en los límites de este texto las razones por las cuales López Obrador llevó una relación tan cordial, incluso cálida, con Donald Trump y una tan distante con Joe Biden. En papel, debió haber sido todo lo contrario. Y no es fácil porque buena parte de esa explicación reside en temas atribuibles a la personalidad. Pese a sus contrastantes orígenes, Trump y AMLO parecían estar hermanados por la conciencia mutua de ser outsiders de la élite política, nacionalistas desconfiados del multilateralismo o la globalización, y una creencia ciega en el poder del voluntarismo personalista ejercido desde la presidencia. Sin confesárselo, al menos López Obrador, parecerían visualizar a Biden como un burócrata profesional. Por su parte Biden se ha guardado muy bien de expresar cualquier opinión sobre López Obrador, pero ha dejado en claro que prefiere no tener que ver directamente con él.

Nada de esto supone una crisis política o económica severa en la relación entre ambos países, desde luego. Es demasiada la interdependencia y la complejidad de vínculos entre las dos naciones y a tantos niveles, que la mayor parte de las inercias transcurren al margen de las fobias y filias que se profesen los políticos en turno y sus respectivas idiosincrasias. Sin embargo, tampoco pueden desestimarse los coletazos que puedan provocar estos desencuentros. Un endurecimiento en una mesa de negociación o el simple deseo de enviar un mensaje de advertencia, pueden traducirse en consecuencias trágicas para los exportadores de aguacate, para la industria transportista o maquiladora o para algún enclave turístico, por mencionar algunas áreas sensibles.

La vecindad entre dos países tan contrastantes y no obstante tan interdependientes provoca roces que son naturales e incluso necesarios para no ser barridos por las implicaciones que derivan de las diferencias de tamaño y poder. Muchos de estos frentes abiertos responden al legítimo derecho por parte de México para mantener su soberanía y defender intereses que son vitales para el país y sus ciudadanos. Pero habría que estar atentos al control de daños que esos roces provocan porque a algunos mexicanos les va vida y fortuna en ello. Y, sobre todo, evitar aquellas confrontaciones gratuitas que simplemente salen de las ganas de desahogarse del, en ocasiones, irritante vecino o atribuibles a lo que Fito Páez llamaría la incompatibilidad de caracteres.
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