On the 76th Anniversary of the Dropping of Atomic Bombs, Japan Stands at the Forefront of Nuclear Disarmament

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 6 August 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Hester. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The world is now at a crossroads: Should it take the path toward the catastrophe of nuclear terror or the path toward a safer future of coexistence.

With the struggle for supremacy between the United States and China at the forefront, conflicts between nations in Europe, Asia and the Middle East are heating up, increasing the possibility of nuclear war.

At the same time, a trend is gaining momentum toward a "world without nuclear weapons" that transcends national boundaries and sees the value in cooperation.

When we think about the devastation of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima 76 years ago today, the path we should choose is clear. We will not allow the mistakes of humanity to be repeated again. Japan must stand at the forefront of this pledge and take action.

Competition among Great Powers Can Be Perilous

Four years before the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, which froze the world, Japan was on the verge of becoming a nuclear battlefield. Recently, classified U.S. documents describing this process have come to light.

It was nine years after the establishment of the People's Republic of China, when China shelled Kinmen Island in Taiwan. The U.S. considered a nuclear attack on a Chinese military base, saying that "If the situation worsens, we will have no choice but to launch a nuclear attack deep inside China, and the Soviet Union may retaliate with nuclear weapons against Okinawa, but we must accept the consequences."*

In the end, the president's decision prevented an attack, but the fact that there was a theory of war under a U.S. administration that did not hesitate to sacrifice Okinawa is a source of horror.

More than 60 years have passed since then; the situation surrounding nuclear weapons has become more complicated.

In addition to the U.S. and Russia, China now possesses nuclear weapons, and the trend toward military expansion has intensified. On the other hand, the economies of Japan, the United States, China and Taiwan are now closely intertwined, and there is no simple structure of confrontation.

However, if we reflect on the lessons of history, where many wars were born out of petty friction, misunderstandings and overconfidence, the danger remains the same.

In the midst of this tension, Japan and the United States recognized Taiwan in their joint statement at this year's summit. This is the first time this has been done since Japan normalized diplomatic relations with China.

The Japanese government has changed its interpretation of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense, albeit on a limited basis. If there is an emergency in Taiwan, the U.S. will probably ask Japan to get involved.

There Is No Winner in Nuclear War

Within the U.S., there is even talk of deploying intermediate-range ballistic missiles in Japan in order to increase deterrence against China.

How should Japan maintain its distance from the struggle for power among the major world powers and still build a rules-based order? Without such a proactive vision, Japan has thrown itself into the vortex. Unfortunately, this is the state of Japan today.

As the U.S. retreats, the trust in the nuclear umbrella will weaken, and this could set off a chain of events in which allied nations become armed with nuclear weapons. Such concerns are also being discussed around the world. Scientists have warned that the doomsday clock for the destruction of the earth has stopped at 100 seconds away from the worst-case scenario.

In the midst of this situation, the summit of the two nuclear powers, the U.S. and Russia, produced a noteworthy statement in June: "There is no winner in nuclear war, and it must never be fought.”*

This was a reprise of the pledge made by President Ronald Reagan and Russian General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985.

Hopefully this is a sign of growing responsibility and pride toward maintaining reason and a sense of urgency despite the constant quarreling.

The nuclear powers, including the U.S. and Russia, have turned their backs on their obligations to negotiate disarmament under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. At the same time, their selfish attitude of not allowing emerging nations to develop nuclear weapons has eroded the morality of arms control.

After the statement, the U.S. and Russia began holding high-level talks. Using this as a starting point, a new framework for negotiations should be established, involving China as well. I hope that President Joe Biden will realize the need for a declaration of no first use of nuclear weapons, and thus create momentum for dialogue with China.

When the Obama administration considered the declaration, the Japanese government opposed it, saying it would “weaken deterrence.”

Engage in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

Shouldn't Japan's role be to serve as a catalyst for dialogue between the U.S. and China, taking advantage of its alliance with the U.S. and its historical ties with China? Japan should develop a long-term roadmap for a comprehensive Northeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone that includes the North Korean nuclear issue.

If the major powers do not act, the non-nuclear weapon states and international public opinion will turn the wheel for abolishing nuclear weapons. This year, the Nuclear Weapons Convention, which brings together the aspirations of the world's nuclear powers, took effect.

The nuclear weapon states, which adhere to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, have rejected the Nuclear Weapons Convention, and Japan did the same. However, the two treaties are complementary in their pursuit of the same goal of abolishing nuclear weapons, according to Izumi Nakamitsu, Under-Secretary-General of Disarmament Affairs at the United Nations.

Next year, the first meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty will be held. The A-bomb survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, victims of nuclear tests, representatives of various countries, nongovernmental organizations and others will gather there. If there is no representative of the government of the only country to have experienced nuclear war at the conference, history will be deeply disserved.

The work of fleshing out the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is just beginning. Involvement in the creation of rules for the abolition of nuclear weapons should be of vital importance to Japan, which is under constant threat from North Korea.

Japan's lessons and knowledge can also be used to support the victims of nuclear tests and promote environmental restoration. First, Japan should participate as an observer and show solidarity with the international community.

*Editor's Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


世界はいま、核の恐怖の果てにある破局か、それとも、より安全な共生の未来か、どちらの道へ進むかの分岐にある。

 米国と中国の覇権争いを筆頭に、欧州・アジア・中東で国家間の対立が熱を帯び、核戦争の不安を高めている。

 一方で、だからこそ協調の価値を見いだし、国家の枠組みを超えて「核なき世界」をめざす潮流も勢いづいている。

 76年前のきょう、広島に原爆が投下された惨禍を思うとき、選ぶべき道は明らかだ。二度と再び人類の過ちを繰り返させない。その誓いと行動の先頭に、日本は立たねばならない。

 ■危うい大国間の競争

 世界が凍った1962年のキューバ危機より4年前、日本が核の戦場になりかけた――。この経緯を記した米国の機密文書が最近、明るみに出た。

 中華人民共和国の成立から9年後、中国が台湾の金門島を砲撃した際だ。米国は中国軍基地への核攻撃を検討した。

 「(情勢悪化すれば)中国の奥深くに核攻撃するほかなし」「(ソ連が)沖縄を核で報復するかもしれないが、結果は受け入れねばならない」

 結局、大統領の判断で攻撃は回避されたが、米施政下の沖縄の犠牲も辞さない主戦論があった事実に慄然(りつぜん)とする。

 それから60年余り。核をめぐる事態はより複雑になった。

 米国とロシアに加え、中国も核を保有し、軍拡の流れを強めている。一方、いまの日米中台の経済は密接に絡みあい、単純な対立構造でもない。

 だが、多くの戦争がささいな摩擦や誤認、過信などから生まれた歴史の教訓を顧みれば、危うさに変わりはない。

 この緊張のなか、日米は今年の首脳会談で、「台湾」をめぐる認識を共同声明に盛り込んだ。日本が中国と国交正常化して以来初めてのことだ。

 限定的とはいえ集団的自衛権を行使できるよう、日本政府は憲法の解釈を変えている。ひとたび台湾有事になれば、米国から関与を求められるだろう。

 ■「核戦争に勝者なし」

 米国内では、中国への抑止力を高めるために、中距離弾道ミサイルを日本に配備する構想まで語られている。

 大国の国力の争いに、日本はどう距離を保ち、ルール主導の秩序を築くか。そんな主体的構想は描かぬまま、渦中に身を投じていく。それが残念ながら、いまの日本の姿ではないか。

 米国の退潮に伴い「核の傘」の信頼が弱まり、同盟国に核武装の連鎖が起きかねない。世界ではそんな懸念も論じられる。科学者らが警告する地球滅亡までの終末時計は、最悪の100秒前で止まったままだ。

 そんななかでこの6月、核の2大国である米ロの首脳会談が注目すべき声明を発した。

 「核戦争に勝者はなく、決して戦われてはならない」

 85年にレーガン大統領とゴルバチョフ書記長が交わした誓いの言葉を再現したものだ。

 角突き合わせつつも、理性と危機意識を保つという責任と矜持(きょうじ)の表れであるならば、行動で示してもらいたい。

 米ロを含む核保有国は、核不拡散条約が定める軍縮交渉義務に背を向けている。それでいて、新興国の核開発は許さぬという身勝手な態度が、軍備管理のモラルを侵食してきた。

 米ロは声明の後、高官協議を始めた。そこを起点に、中国も巻き込む新たな交渉枠組みを立ち上げるべきだ。バイデン米大統領は核の先制不使用宣言を実現させて、中国との対話機運を醸成してもらいたい。

 宣言をオバマ政権が検討した際、日本政府は反対した。「抑止力を弱める」との理由だが、核の恐怖で核を制する危うい思考にいつまで拘泥するのか。

 ■核禁条約に関与せよ

 日本の役割は、対米同盟と、中国との歴史的結びつきを生かして米中対話を促す「触媒」となることではないか。北朝鮮の核問題を含む包括的な「北東アジア非核地帯」を視野に、長期的な道筋を練るべきだろう。

 大国が動かぬなら、非核保有国と国際世論で核廃絶の歯車を回す。その志が結集した核兵器禁止条約が、今年発効した。

 不拡散条約を堅持する核保有国は核禁条約を拒んでおり、日本もその立場だ。だが、二つの条約は同じ核廃絶のゴールへ「補完しあう関係」(中満泉・国連事務次長)である。

 来年は核禁条約の初の締約国会議がある。広島・長崎の被爆者、核実験被害者、各国代表、NGOなども一堂に会する。そこに唯一の戦争被爆国の政府代表の姿がなければ、深い失望を歴史に刻むことになろう。

 核禁条約を肉付けする作業はこれからだ。核廃棄のルールづくりに関与するのは、北朝鮮の脅威の下にある日本にとって死活的に重要であるはずだ。

 核実験の被害者の支援や環境回復を進めるうえで、日本の教訓と知見も生かせる。まずは、オブザーバー参加し、国際社会との連帯を示すべきだ。

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