US and China at Crossroads of Death

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 1 October 2021
by Huiying Zhang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The United States, the United Kingdom and Australia have entered a trilateral security pact, forming a clear alliance against China. The most urgent purpose of this alliance is to delay as much as possible the death knell of U.S. and Chinese military powers crossing swords in the Asia-Pacific region. The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mark Milley, admitted that he had twice told the Chinese that former President Donald Trump had no intention of attacking China, a clear indication of the United States' strong reluctance to go to war with China.

"Peril," the new book by Watergate veteran journalist Bob Woodward,* reveals that Milley testified before the Senate that it was his job to prevent a war between the nuclear powers, and that the White House chief of staff, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and the defense secretary were all well aware of this. In a previous book, Woodward revealed that Trump aides had repeatedly stolen documents from his desk to prevent Trump putting the country in danger.

But Milley's heads-up to the Chinese may actually constitute collusion with the enemy, action which thus infringed upon the president's authority as commander in chief and provided strategic adversaries with important military intelligence. The Constitution does not give officials the right to determine the president's mental state on their own, and Trump has said that Milley never told him about this. So, did Pompeo and others make act on their own? This is much closer to being a coup than stealing presidential documents.

The two phone calls came four days before the presidential election and two days after the Capitol insurrection. At the time, it was rumored that Trump might recklessly start a small-scale war with China. With the election on the line, Trump was almost maniacal; it appeared he might do anything. It is understandable that Milley and others wished to prevent the country from catastrophe, but in the eyes of the law, their actions are not necessarily defensible. Moreover, even if Pompeo and the others knew that Trump was only pulling a publicity stunt to draw attention, they had no way of knowing whether he would actually act in a burst of madness, although he had the authority to do so.

Nevertheless, all this demonstrates how reluctant the United States is about going to war with China. From Trump's redeployment of medium-range missiles to the Asia-Pacific to Biden's participation in AUKUS, each action is a step by the U.S. to increase its military deterrence in the Asia-Pacific. This is not so much about preparing for war with China as it is about avoiding war with China. The U.S. is intensifying military intimidation and resistance with the intention of making it more difficult and costly for China to use force in the Taiwan Strait, in the hope that China will give up on going down that path.

There are two major factors that determine whether a war succeeds. One is the hard power of weapons and technology, and the other is the willpower to fight. China's military power continues to grow. At some point we will approach the crossroads of death, where China can afford to engage the United States. Moreover, while U.S. military power is certainly stronger than China's, the question is whether it has the willpower to persevere in the long run. If China decides to use force in the Taiwan Strait, it will do so with a resolve to battle to the death. On the other hand, the U.S. may not be prepared to fight for Taiwan in the long run. It may be able to save Taiwan for a while, but there's no guarantee that it will be able to protect Taiwan for a lifetime.

Those counting on the U.S. as a "big brother" who will always be there for Taiwan should look back and see whether the United States has fought a war with a country similar to itself since World War II. The answer is no. The U.S. picks on small countries with much less ability to fight such as Iraq, Afghanistan and Panama. In terms of great powers, the U.S. and the Soviet Union have fought fiercely, but ultimately avoided war in the face of a nuclear standoff. It has been an unspoken international rule since World War II for major powers to refrain from engaging their troops. Did the U.S. or the European Union send troops to stop the Russian annexation of Crimea? AUKUS has been criticized as an alliance of Anglophone English-speaking nations led by the U.S., but in reality, it consists of allies that the U.S. painstakingly gathered. The formation of AUKUS is a further step by the U.S. in the power struggle with China, as it hopes to deter China without military force, but the reality may be different.

There is no reason for people to risk their lives for others unless individual vital interests are also at stake; the costs and benefits must be pragmatically weighed. If the U.S. gets involved in a war in the Taiwan Strait, the cost would be extremely high from the outset and the damage would be unimaginable if the conflict is prolonged. Consequently, the global landscape will undoubtedly change. The U.S. has a record of strong starts and sloppy finishes. How long will it be able to hold out? What happens if it can no longer do so? The U.S. can retreat to its own territory, but where can Taiwan go?

*Editor's note: "Peril" was written by Bob Woodward and Robert Costa.


美國和英國、澳洲組成三邊安全夥伴關係(AUKUS),形成了一個鮮明的抗中聯盟,而這個聯盟最急迫的目的是盡量延後美中在亞太軍力出現死亡交叉。美國參謀首長聯席會議主席密利坦承,曾兩度告訴中方川普總統無意攻打中國,正說明了美國萬分不願與中國開戰的心情。

水門案資深記者伍華德的新書揭露此事,密利在參院作證時辯稱這是他職責所在,為的是避免核武強國間爆發戰爭,而且白宮幕僚長、國務卿蓬佩奧和國防部長都知情。伍華德在前一本書曾揭露,川普的幕僚多次偷取他桌上的文件,以防國家陷入險境。

但密利向中方打招呼真有可能構成通敵叛國,因此舉侵犯了總統的三軍統帥權,也把重要軍機告知戰略對手。憲法並沒有給官員自行判定總統精神狀態的權力,川普說密利從沒跟他說過此事,那麼是蓬佩奧等人私自決定?這比偷總統公文更接近政變了。兩通電話分別是總統大選前4天與國會暴亂2天後,當時傳聞川普可能鋌而走險,對中國挑起小規模戰事。川普選情告急時近乎癲狂,似乎什麼事都做得出來。密利等人想避免國家陷入災難,可以理解,但就法論法未必站得住腳。何況,就算蓬佩奧等人知道川普只是在炒作,但保不定他腦子一熱突然真要挑點事呢?川普是有這個職權的。

不過這也可看出美國多麼不想與中國開戰。從川普重新把中程飛彈部署回亞太,到拜登組成AUKUS,都是增強美國在亞太的軍事震懾力,這與其說是在準備與中國的戰爭,不如說是想避免與中國的戰爭。美國強化軍事嚇阻力,用意是增加中國在台海動武的難度及代價,希望中國能放棄走上那條路。

決定戰爭勝負有兩大因素,一是武器科技等硬實力,二是作戰的意志力。中國的軍事力量不斷增長,到了某個時間點總會出現中國承擔得起與美國交火代價的死亡交叉。而且,美國的軍事力量固然比中國強,問題是有沒有長期堅持的意志力。如果中國決定在台海動武,那會是做好覺悟、賭上一切、死拚到底的作戰。但美國卻不見得有長期為台而戰的準備,可以救台灣一時,卻未必能護台灣一世。

深信美國老大哥會永遠罩台灣的人,應該回顧一下,從二戰之後,美國有沒有和跟自己差不多的國家打過仗?答案是沒有。美國都挑實力差很多的小國打,像伊拉克、阿富汗或巴拿馬。至於大國,當年美蘇較勁得再激烈,都還是在核武對峙下避免了戰爭。大國之間不興兵,基本上已是二戰後的國際潛規則。俄羅斯占領克里米亞,美國或歐盟有出兵制止嗎?AUKUS被批評為美國搞盎格魯英語系國家聯盟,但這卻是美國好不容易才找到肯出來站隊的盟友。AUKUS的集結是美國進一步與中國作勢力搏門,希望在不必兵戎相見的情況下壓制中國,但現實未必能如願。

誰也沒有理由為別人拚命,除非其中也攸關自己的重要利益,而利益與代價是要務實衡量的。美國如果陷入台海戰爭,一開始代價就會很高,拖長了耗損更是無法想像,世界權力格局也必定因此改變。向來霸氣出場、最後草草了事的美國,能撐多久?撐不下去了呢?美國可以退回自己的地盤,台灣要退到哪裡去?
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