Japan’s Choice: Foreign Policy at a Turning Point: Confrontation or Coexistence?

Published in Mainichi Shimbun
(Japan) on 18 October 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Max Guerrera-Sapone. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
With tensions rising in Asia, and global problems only becoming more pronounced, what sort of foreign and defense policies should Japan adopt? This is the critical question in the upcoming House of Representatives election.

The Liberal Democratic Party has loudly proclaimed a policy of “power diplomacy.” It has announced that it will consider raising defense expenditures above 2% of Japan’s gross domestic product, and place new importance on economic security amid competition over advanced technologies, emphasizing that the party will take a confrontational stance.

The Constitutional Democratic Party is promoting “soft power diplomacy,” and basing its approach on the unique Japanese principles of pacifism and nonaggressive defense. While it also places emphasis on economic security, it paints its goal as one of coexistence, rather than confrontation.

While the government and the opposition have different approaches, they both are wary of China. There is no doubt that China is the biggest challenge facing Japanese foreign policy.

Rising Tensions in Asia

Relations between America and China are strained. Both sides have conducted military exercises with respect to defending and attacking Taiwan. America, Britain and other countries deployed three aircraft carriers to the area; China has responded by repeatedly deploying dozens of bombers capable of carrying nuclear weapons.

Following its withdrawal from Afghanistan, America has reinvigorated its military and diplomatic efforts in the Indo-Pacific, with the aim of confronting the rising power of China.

Japan’s China strategy has been to coordinate with America to strengthen deterrence, and to prevent conflict. At this point, however, a more independent strategy is required.

Most political parties agree that the American-Japanese alliance should form the basis of any foreign policy. Where they differ is in considering what sort of military role Japan should play. The LDP promotes the idea that Japan should be able to attack far-flung foreign military bases. The CDP has cast doubt on that policy for reasons of cost and effectiveness.

It will be necessary to respond firmly to China, which continually engages in military provocation and attempts to change the status quo. Even if this must be done, that does not mean we should simply engage in military buildup and rely on power to solve this problem.

In the former security regime, Japan served as the “shield” (or defense), while America has been the “lance” (or offense). If Japan assumes the role of the lance, there is no doubt that our neighbors in the region will look on warily.

Japan’s ability to conceive of a unique approach to diplomacy is being called into question. How can it promote stability in this region while also confronting China? The debate over how to solve this difficult problem is presently lacking in substance.

It goes without saying that improving relations with China will lead to greater stability in Asia. By finding common ground as a first step to dialogue and through regular discussion, we can carry out a leadership diplomacy. We must find a way to pursue this path.

America has begun talks with China to avoid a clash over Taiwan, and has restarted dialogue at the Cabinet level to resolve outstanding trade issues between the two countries. It has also agreed to hold a summit between the leaders of the two countries by the end of the year.

Is Japan making this kind of effort to start a dialogue?

Globalization has increased interdependence among countries; policies that attempt to isolate China are impractical. There will be no break in the deadlock by attempting to contain and confront China. If America and China bypass Japan to rebuild their relationship, it will be Japan that loses out.

Japan’s Role: Maintaining Stability in the International Order

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has asserted that he believes in a diplomacy that is rooted in “trust,” and often emphasizes his ability to listen. If so, there must be an attempt to advance dialogue. Next year marks 50 years of normalized relations between Japan and China. There is nothing wrong with taking advantage of the auspicious nature of this anniversary.

There is also a lack of vision in seeing Japan as part of the broader world.

Every party recognizes the importance of tackling the critical problems the international community faces, including climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there is no clear, concrete plan of action.

The reason why America repeatedly attempts to approach China on the matter of climate change is because it presents a security risk in that it could potentially lead to famine or war.

Global problems cannot be solved without leadership from the great economic powers like America, China and Japan.

Japan can especially make its presence known on the subject of nuclear disarmament.

Both the opposition CDP and Komeito,* part of the governing coalition, have urged Japan to participate as an observer in a meeting of the signatories of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons next March. The LDP, however, has continued its opposition. There is surely meaning in Japan's offer to serve as an intermediary between nuclear and non-nuclear countries.

Global problems include the arenas of cyberspace and outer space. It will be possible for Japan to lead the development of new rules to regulate these fields. By working in the international community to tackle these problems, the region’s trust in Japan could only grow.

Filling a party’s manifesto with words that appeal to its base does not mean much unless it includes detailed strategies to implement the relevant policies.

*Editor’s note: Komeito is a conservative political party in Japan.


アジア情勢が緊迫し、地球規模の問題が深刻化している。日本の外交・安全保障政策はどうあるべきか。衆院選の論戦の焦点だ。

 自民党は「力の外交」を前面に打ち出す。防衛費の「国内総生産(GDP)比2%以上」への増額を視野に入れ、先端技術競争を見据えた経済安全保障を重視し、「対抗」の姿勢を強調する。

 立憲民主党は「ソフトパワーの外交」の色彩が濃い。平和主義と専守防衛という日本独自の原則に立脚する。経済安保を重視する立場は自民党と同じだが、「共生」を目標に描く。

 与野党のアプローチは異なるが、共通するのは中国への警戒感だ。日本外交の最大の課題であるのは間違いない。

緊迫する東アジア情勢
 米中関係は緊迫している。台湾を巡る攻防を想定した軍事演習を双方が実施した。米英などが空母3隻を展開したのに対し、中国は核兵器搭載可能な爆撃機と数十機の戦闘機を繰り返し飛行させた。

 アフガニスタンから撤退した米国がインド太平洋で軍事行動や外交を活発化させているのは、台頭する中国に対抗する狙いがある。

 日本の対中戦略は、米国と連携して抑止力を高め、衝突が起きないようにすることを基本としてきた。これまで以上に主体的な外交が求められている。

 日米同盟を外交政策の基軸とすることでは多くの政党が一致する。議論が分かれるのは日本が担う軍事的な役割だ。自民は、遠く離れた敵地を攻撃できる能力の保有を掲げる。立憲はコストや実効性の点から疑問視している。

 軍事力で威嚇し、現状を変更しようとする中国の姿勢には厳しく対処する必要がある。そうであっても勢いにまかせて軍事力を拡大することには慎重であるべきだ。

 安保体制において「日本は盾(防護)、米国は矛(攻撃)」の役割を果たしてきた。日本が矛の領域に踏み込めば、周辺国が警戒するのは避けられないだろう。

 問われるのは、日本独自の外交の構想力である。中国に対抗しつつ、この地域の安定をどう図るか。困難な課題を克服するための議論を欠いている。

 中国との関係改善がアジア地域の安定につながることは言うまでもない。共通の懸案を提起して対話の糸口を探り、定期的に協議し、首脳外交につなげる。そのための戦略が必要だ。

 米国は、台湾における衝突を回避する方策を中国と模索し、貿易問題を巡る米中閣僚級協議を再開した。年内の首脳会談開催でも合意している。

 こうした対話に向けた努力を日本はしているのだろうか。

 グローバル化の下で相互依存が深まっており、中国を孤立化させるような政策は現実的ではない。包囲網を構築し、にらみ合うだけでは打開できない。米中が頭越しに再接近するようなことがあれば、立場を失うのは日本だ。

国際秩序の安定に役割
 岸田文雄首相は「信頼」に基づく外交を信条とし、「聞く力」があると強調する。そうであるなら対話を探るべきだ。来年は日中国交正常化50年にあたる。時の利を生かす知恵があっていい。

 「世界の中の日本」という視点も希薄だ。

 国際社会の共通の課題である気候変動や感染症に取り組む重要性は各党とも認める。だが、具体的な行動計画は明確ではない。

 米国が気候変動対策でしきりに中国との接点を探るのは、飢餓や紛争につながる安全保障上の脅威としてとらえているからだ。

 地球規模の問題は米中や日本など経済大国の主導なくして解決できない。その役割を果たす責任が日本にはある。

 とりわけ核軍縮は存在感を示すことができるテーマだろう。

 来年3月に予定される核兵器禁止条約の締約国会議について、立憲など野党だけでなく、与党の公明党も「オブザーバー参加」を訴える。だが、自民は否定的だ。参加を通じて核保有国と非核保有国の「橋渡し」をすることは意義があるはずだ。

 世界の課題はサイバー空間や宇宙にまで広がる。新たなルールづくりを主導することもできるだろう。国際社会で汗をかいてこそ、地域での信頼も高まる。

 支持層にアピールすることばを公約にちりばめても、それを実現するためのしたたかな外交戦略が伴わなければ意味がない。
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