Japan Must Find Its Own Path to the Beijing Olympics

Published in Tokyo Shimbun
(Japan) on 23 December 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joseph Santiago. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
As the Beijing Winter Olympics in February draw closer and closer, more and more countries, the United States included, have announced a diplomatic boycott of the event. Japan’s stance, however, remains unclear. While we must stand firm against China’s human rights violations, with next year marking 50 years since the normalization of relations between the two countries, it’s equally important that Japan reach its own decision regarding its western neighbor.

Early this month, in response to China’s numerous human rights violations, America announced its intention of a diplomatic boycott, wherein no government representatives will be sent, of the Beijing Winter Olympic and Paralympic games. Other countries, such as the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, have followed suit, and with China’s heinous acts in recent years, such as the oppression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang, the outrage is justified. China has shot back, saying, “The United States, Britain and Australia have used the Olympic platform for political manipulation.” It’s China, though, which has stamped out the “one country, two systems” agreement in Hong Kong and oppressed democratic sympathizers, all while branding any criticism as lies.

But, unlike the countries of the Western world, our country has a much closer historic and geopolitical relationship with China. This begs the question of whether or not we should fall in line with our ally. This whole debacle could have a negative effect not just on the athletes, but also the state of the international community, as tensions between China, which has been embarrassed, and the boycotting countries continue to rise.

Supposing we don’t take part in this boycott and make our own decision. Would it not be in our best interests to, for example, send the chairman of the Japanese Olympic Committee? While he doesn’t hold as much authority as, say, a cabinet minister, this would be an appropriate response to China, which only sent the director of the State Sports General Administration to the Tokyo Olympics. By sending a lower-ranking official, we can still show our misgivings toward China’s deeds. What we must not forget is to make it clear both to China and the international community that Japan will use all channels necessary, and that, no matter what, we will not stay silent on human rights abuses.

Next year will be a critical juncture as Japan and China mark half a century of normalized relations. There’s the possibility that Japanese-Chinese relations, which are at an all-time low due to the ownership dispute of the Senkaku Islands, can improve, but that’s not the case right now. While China is our biggest trading partner, bad blood over past events still remains. Together, our countries must use political common sense by maintaining a safe space to say what needs to be said while avoiding outright antagonism.


<社説>北京五輪と日本 独自の判断を求めたい

来年二月の北京冬季五輪について米国などが「外交ボイコット」を表明したが、日本政府は態度を明らかにしていない。中国の人権侵害には毅然(きぜん)とした立場を示すべきだが、来年で国交正常化五十周年を迎える日中関係にも十分目配りした独自の判断を求めたい。
 米国は今月初旬、中国の人権侵害を許さないとの意思を示すため、北京五輪・パラリンピックに政府代表を派遣しない「外交ボイコット」を表明。英国、オーストラリア、カナダなどが追随する考えを示した。
 確かに、新疆ウイグル自治区での少数民族弾圧など、近年の中国の人権侵害は目に余る。
 中国政府は「五輪を政治利用する誤った行動」と強く反発した。しかし、人権侵害批判を「デマ」と切り捨てるだけで反論の根拠を示さず、香港の民主派弾圧で、国際公約した「一国二制度」を踏みにじってきたのは中国である。
 だが、欧米諸国とは違い、中国と歴史的にも地政学的にも密接な関係にあるわが国は、同盟国の米国と足並みをそろえればよいという問題ではあるまい。
 五輪の大舞台でメンツをつぶされたと受け止めた中国とボイコット国の対立が深まり、五輪選手たちや、ひいては国際情勢に悪影響が出るようなことがあれば逆効果でもある。
 あえて「外交ボイコット」には参加せず、独自の判断で、例えば日本オリンピック委員会会長クラスを派遣する方策が国益にもかなう選択ではないか。現役閣僚より格下とはいえ、中国が東京五輪に国家体育総局長を派遣したことへの答礼として見合う対応である。閣僚を派遣しないことで中国の人権状況に対する日本の懸念、批判的姿勢も示せるだろう。
 忘れてならないのは、日本政府があらゆるチャンネルを使って、今回の対応が決して人権侵害を黙認するものではないことを中国側に明確に伝え、他国にも示すことである。
 来年は日中国交正常化から半世紀の節目の年である。尖閣国有化で谷底に落ちた日中関係は改善基調にあるが、まだ本物ではない。
 中国は最大の貿易相手国である一方、日中間には歴史問題はじめ懸案も残る。決定的な対立を避けながら、お互いに言うべきことを言える対話の基盤を崩さないのも政治の知恵であろう。
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