Why Must the American Military Impede Us at Every Turn?

Published in Okinawa Times
(Japan) on 20 April 2022
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joseph Santiago. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
It has come to light that the Naha city prosecutor’s office has charged an American Navy serviceman with battery and the attempted sexual assault of a women within Naha city limits. A crime such as this where a woman’s rights have been disgraced cannot be forgiven; just thinking of the pain this has caused the victim can only induce anger and outrage. While the incident happened last October and the suspect was charged in December, no official announcement has been made.

Prefectural police and the American military worked together to identify the suspect. However, the military confined the perpetrator to base, while the police had to continue the investigation of their own accord, filing charges against the person as they were in military custody. Only from that point was the suspect handed over to Japanese authorities.

The reason that didn’t happen earlier is because of the Status of Forces Agreement between Japan and the United States. According to Article 17, the U.S. has criminal and judicial jurisdiction over suspects who commit crimes while on duty, while Japan has jurisdiction when they’re off duty. Since the incident happened when the suspect was off duty, Japan should have had control over the situation, but as the U.S. took them into custody first, it took charges being filed for the suspect to be surrendered. In a previous case of violence against a woman, the perpetrator, who was also confined to base, escaped back to America on a civilian aircraft. The SOFA often impedes investigations into incidents such as these.

In the 50 years since the return of Okinawa to Japan in 1972, there have been 582 malicious incidents involving U.S. military personnel, 132 of those being cases of sexual assault or rape. An agreement that allows criminals to evade justice by hiding away on military bases is unjust and only encourages further criminal activity. Extradition especially became an issue during a case in 1995, where the prefectural police’s request for three suspects to be handed over was ignored as the military hid behind the agreement. This threw local Okinawans into a rage, as they could not accept how an investigation into violence against a Japanese woman on Japanese soil was being blocked.

Thereafter, the Japanese and American governments agreed to extradition of those suspected of murder or rape before indictment as a “sign of good will.” This was affirmed in person as well at a joint committee between U.S. and Japanese officials, who stated, “The Japanese government will take great care to punish all criminal acts.”

This time, the prefectural police didn’t bother to ask for the suspect to be handed over, despite the crime being sexual in nature, as they had been denied many times in the past. While the military’s discretion is a huge hurdle to get past, it’s important to continue demanding extradition from it.

The government must treat this case with the seriousness it deserves. At a press conference on April 18, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirokazu Matsuno said, “We’ve expressed our disappointment with the American military and have recommended a tightening of measures to make sure this doesn’t happen again.” A formal request is not enough, however. We must find a way to ensure the military takes real steps to prevent further incidents.

Article 17 is a shining example of just how imbalanced the SOFA is. Among the many revisions to the SOFA that people have requested, Okinawa prefecture would demand that, whenever Japanese authorities request extradition, American authorities would put it in writing that they will comply. As its own sovereign nation, Japan must make all efforts to expeditiously revise the SOFA and fulfill its duty of protecting its citizens.


[社説]米兵「強制性交」で起訴 「身柄拘束」なぜ進まぬ

 那覇市内で女性に性的暴行を加えようとして、けがを負わせた事件で那覇地検が米海兵隊の男を強制性交等致傷罪で起訴していたことが分かった。女性の人権を踏みにじる卑劣な犯罪で、断じて許されない。被害者の心身の痛みを思うとやりきれなさと怒りが込み上げる。

 事件は昨年10月に起きた。12月に地検は起訴し、公表していなかった。

 今回の事件は、県警と米軍の捜査機関が協力し、被告を特定した。だが、捜査段階で米兵の身柄は米軍が拘束し、県警は任意での取り調べを続け、在宅で書類送検した。米兵の身柄は起訴後、日本側に引き渡された。

 起訴前に日本側に引き渡されないのは、日米地位協定の規定によるものだ。

 17条にはこうある。第1次裁判権は米軍人が公務中に起こした犯罪は米側にあり、公務外の場合は日本側にある。事件が公務外であるのは明らかで、本来なら日本側に第1次裁判権がある。だが公務外であっても、米側が先に身柄を確保した場合は日本側が起訴するまで引き渡されない。

 過去には女性暴行事件で、基地外禁足処分になった米兵が民間機で米本国へ逃亡したケースもある。地位協定が壁となって捜査が尽くされなかった事件は数多い。

 米軍関係者による復帰後(1972~2020年)の凶悪事件は582件に上る。うち132件が強制性交等罪(旧強姦(ごうかん)罪)だった。最終的に基地に逃げ込めるという不平等な地位協定が、犯罪の温床と指摘されている。

■    ■

 身柄引き渡しが、問題となったのは、1995年の米兵暴行事件だ。県警は3人の容疑者を逮捕するため引き渡しを要求したが、米側は地位協定を盾に応じなかった。

 なぜ日本国内で日本人女性が被害を受けたのに、捜査ができないのか。県民の怒りは爆発した。

 その後日米両政府は「殺人と強姦」に限り、起訴前の身柄引き渡しに「好意的配慮を払う」ことで合意した。2004年日米合同委員会で「日本政府が重大な関心を持ついかなる犯罪も排除されない」と口頭で確認した。

 今回、県警は合意された「強制性交」であるにもかかわらず、米兵の身柄引き渡しを要求しなかった。県警はこれまで何度も身柄要求を米側に拒否されている。「米軍の裁量」のハードルは高いが、それでも身柄の引き渡しを求め続けることは重要だ。

■    ■

 政府は今回の事件を、もっと深刻に受け止めるべきだ。

 松野博一官房長官は18日の記者会見で「米側に遺憾の意を伝え、綱紀粛正と再発防止の徹底を申し入れた」と述べた。形式的な申し入れにとどめず、米軍による再発防止策の実効性の検証が必要だ。

 17条は、地位協定全体の不平等さを象徴している。

 県は、見直し要請の中で、日本側からの身柄引き渡し要求があった場合、「これに応ずる旨を明記すること」を求めている。主権国家として、政府は速やかに日米地位協定を改定し、国民を守る当然の責任を果たしてほしい。
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