Deteriorating US-China Relations: A Burden the World Can Ill Afford

Published in Ming Pao
(Hong Kong) on 26 July 2022
by Chen Wenling (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
While interactions between China and the United States have been on the increase recently, there have also been an endless stream of U.S. plans and initiatives to unite with its allies to contain China. The most recent Group of Seven summit produced the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment as a counterbalance and hedge against China’s “Belt and Road” initiative; and NATO issued a Strategic Concept at its summit in Madrid, asserting that China poses a systemic challenge to NATO and that NATO members will work together to address that challenge.

The United States ignores the salient fact that a deterioration in relations between it and China would be unbearable for both countries and for the world; but a prudent, rational, and rapid deescalation of hostilities between them would be important for world peace and security, as well as for development and prosperity.

The Unendurable Pain of Deteriorating US-China Relations

In the decades since China and the United States established diplomatic relations, the economies of the two countries have become deeply intertwined and embedded in each other, creating close ties between the nations. In terms of single countries, the United States is currently China’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching more than $750 billion last year and 70,000 U.S.-owned companies in China with annual sales of more than $800 billion. American companies need China’s industrial support capabilities, large market size and abundant human capital. According to the 2022 China Business Climate Survey Report released by the American Chamber of Commerce in China and PricewaterhouseCoopers, almost 60% of U.S. companies in China made a profit here in 2021, and nearly two-thirds ranked China between being the No. 1 investment destination in the world and being among the top three.

The United States and China inhabit the same planet. Both are nuclear-armed superpowers, emit greenhouse gases into the same restricted biosphere, and have the power to destroy each other – or the world. This writer agrees with the view of American scholar Graham Allison, who says in handling the U.S.-China relationship, the bottom line is that no matter how intense the rivalry or how much the hostilities fester, the end result may be that “neither side can kill the other without simultaneously committing suicide.” If either country wants to realize its national interests, it must look to the other for ways to coexist, even if it has no choice. This is the status quo of U.S.-China relations, determined by the fact that the competitive relationship between the United States and China must not move toward a Cold War. The Cold War was an iron curtain in the economic sense, and one that divided the world.

Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger argued that a deescalation of hostilities in the relationship between the United States and China would be important to overall world peace, because it is normal for there to be a certain amount of tit for tat between the world’s two largest economies. However, to involve China or the United States in any global conflict would be dangerous indeed, because if either country were to confront the other, disaster for humanity would outweigh World War I or World War II.

Most Countries in the World Are Reluctant To Pick a Side

President Joe Biden regards China as America’s most important strategic rival, while Secretary of State Antony Blinken has said that China is the most serious long-term strategic competitor. In this light, whether it is the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, the Quad mechanism, the U.S.-British-Australian AUKUS mechanism, or an alliance of democratic values pushing NATO to challenge China, this series of actions is forcing some countries to choose between China and the United States in an effort to de-Sinicize the worldwide industrial, supply, and value chains that are intrinsically linked and mutually supporting.

But from the U.S.- China trade war in the Donald Trump to the Biden administration’s current spate of policies to encircle China, with only a few exceptions, the vast majority of countries have expressed a clear and common tendency specifically to refrain from taking sides. The most representative example is Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, who has repeatedly stated that the more small countries are forced to take sides, the more worrying the situation will become if conflicts between major powers lead to uncertainty or instability in the world.

This reflects a global trend whereby the majority of countries that do not choose sides are forming a middle ground and counterweight to the two camps or systems in a way they were unable to do during the Cold War as the competition between the great powers intensifies. This new Cold War between the major powers lacks the basis in international relations of the original Cold War, and the whole world has become an inseparable global economic structure in the 77 years since World War II. Although economic globalization has recently hit a countercurrent, it is still an objective requirement for productivity development and an irresistible historical trend, and it is impossible to exclude China from the world. In other words, a world that excludes China is incomplete and unsuccessful in any respect.

The U.S.-China Relationship Is the Biggest Variable Affecting the Global Landscape

The United States and China are the world’s largest and second-largest economies, accounting for 40% of global gross domestic product and 40% of manufacturing output. Together, their respective world currencies account for 55.7% of the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights basket of reserve currencies.

The United States is still the world’s economic, technological, cyber and military powerhouse right now. If it were able to manage its relations with the major powers – especially with China – and if it were capable of resolving its domestic conflicts and problems, the American power cycle would continue unabated. Unfortunately, the United States is unswervingly committed to the opposite path.

When a large country with a population of 1.4 billion people advances on a path unlike that of any hegemonic power in history, all while managing its national affairs and adopting a peaceful and broadminded developmental approach that benefits people around the world, it deserves understanding and support from every country and from the United States in particular. Instead, it is met with suspicion, intimidation, and containment by hegemonic powers.

The United States sees China as its biggest – or, increasingly, its most important – strategic competitor and is pressing back hard at every stage. The Biden administration has not only inherited the political liabilities of Trump’s trade war with China, but also rapidly extended them to technology, supply chains, ideology, etc., interfering more deeply in China’s internal affairs, trying hard to stoke internal rifts within China, and attempting to provoke conflict between China and other countries. The United States is reshaping the system of global alliances, restructuring its ideology-based industrial supply chain system, and launching its Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, all of which are aimed squarely at China.

The United States is pushing other countries and regions to decouple from China’s economy, and if this were to happen, it would inevitably tear the highly interconnected world apart. If the world were to split into two systems or camps, not only would both China and the United States lose, but it would be tantamount to destroying the structure in place for over the 70 years since World War II, and would eventually shatter globalization in the wake of any confrontation between the two major powers.

Both China and the United States are great nations, and it is difficult for each to shake, replace or overcome the individual position and influence of the other. Cooperation between the two produces a multiplier effect, whereas confrontation inevitably results in a negative multiplier effect. As nuclear powers and permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, China and the United States play a critical role internationally. Theirs is more than a bilateral relationship having spilled over globally. How the countries handle their relationship and the direction that relationship takes will be the biggest variables in the evolution of the global landscape will .

If the United States insists on continuing down the wrong path, forcing its allies and other countries to pick a side while it does its utmost to provoke China and challenge our bottom line, even at the risk of sparking a war, the result will be no mere “Saigon moment” or “Kabul moment.” The United States can decide how to begin, but it cannot decide how and when to end. And that may well become the most dangerous choice the United States could make on a path to self-destruction.

China is not wrong to seek peaceful development; it is not wrong to serve the vast majority of its own people and those of the world and to lift them out of poverty; nor is it wrong to seek and create development opportunities for more countries through cooperation with the Belt and Road Initiative. China is building roads and bridges to promote global interconnectedness and peaceful coexistence among nations, while the United States is building walls and closing circles, inciting wars, and striking or destroying one country after another that conflicts with its interests. The world has long suffered at the hands of the United States, a country that would be better served by changing its ways and reconnecting with a China that has risen peacefully and is creating increasingly positive spillover effects in the world. The United States should recognize that destroying a country with thousands of years of accumulated history and culture is a dead-end that neither the U.S. nor any other country can achieve; and further, the U.S. should recognize the importance to both countries and to the world of an America that properly manages its relationship with an inclusive and broad-minded China.

The United States should set an example globally by leading people to a renewed recognition of and goodwill toward China, something that will lead to greater understanding, respect and rewards from China, and greater benefit to the United States through cooperation. Let’s hope that the United States opts for a wise and correct strategy, so it may ease the decline the country faces and once more be a great and respected nation. Both countries should cherish the decades of economic ties and people-to-people exchanges since China and the U.S. established diplomatic relations, and work together to build a better and more peaceful world.

The author is chief economist at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges, Beijing.


陳文玲:中美關係惡化是世界不可承受之重

近期中美兩國互動增多,但美國聯合盟友遏制中國的計劃、倡議等亦層出不窮。早前G7(七國集團)峰會提出「全球基礎設施和投資伙伴關係」項目,意在抗衡和對冲中國的「一帶一路」倡議。北約馬德里峰會通過「戰略概念文件」,聲稱中國對北約構成「系統性挑戰」,北約將共同應對。

美國忽略的重要事實是,兩國關係走向惡化,對兩國及世界來說都是不可承受之重;而中美若能智慧、理智、快速緩和敵對關係,對世界和平安全及發展繁榮都有重要意義。

中美關係走向惡化是不能承受之痛

中美建交幾十年,兩國經濟已深度交織和相互嵌套,形成緊密聯繫。目前就單一國家來說,美國是中國第一大貿易伙伴,去年雙邊貿易達到7500多億美元,在華美資企業已達7萬家之多,年銷售額達8000多億美元,美企需要中國的產業配套能力、超大規模市場和豐裕人力資本。根據中國美國商會和普華永道發布的《2022年中國商業環境調查報告》,約60%美國在華企業2021年在中國實現盈利,近三分之二的公司把中國列為世界第一或前3名投資目的地。

美國和中國生活在共同的星球上,都是擁有核武器的超級大國,也將溫室氣體排放到同一個受限的生物圈中,其中任何一國都具備毁滅對方、毁滅世界的力量。我贊同美國學者Graham Allison的觀點,處理中美關係的底線是無論競爭多麼激烈、敵意如何發酵,但最終結局是扼殺對方就等於殺死自己。其中一國想要實現自身國家利益,哪怕迫不得已都要向對方尋求共存之道。這就是中美關係面對的現狀,也決定了中美競爭關係決不能走向冷戰。冷戰是一道經濟「鐵幕」,也是一道推動世界走向分裂的「鐵幕」。

美國前國務卿基辛格認為,美中若能緩和敵對關係,對整體世界和平具有重要性。美中作為全球兩個最大的經濟體,有一些互相踩腳是正常的;但如果把任何全球衝突都跟中美聯繫起來,那將是很危險。若中美走向對抗,將比一戰、二戰給人類帶來更嚴重的災難。

世界絕大部分國家不願意選邊站隊

美國總統拜登把中國視作最重要的戰略競爭對手,國務卿布林肯說中國是最嚴重的長期戰略競爭對手。在此認知下,無論是印太經濟框架、四方機制、美英澳AUKUS機制,還是民主價值觀聯盟和慫恿北約對華發出挑戰等,這一系列動作都是逼迫一些國家在中美之間選邊站隊,企圖在具有全球性內在聯繫與相互支撐的產業鏈、供應鏈、價值鏈中去中國化。

但從特朗普時期中美貿易戰到現在拜登政府一系列圍堵中國政策,除了個別國家,絕大多數國家都表示了非常明確的共同傾向,即不願在中美之間選邊站隊。最典型的代表是新加坡總理李顯龍,他多次表示若大國之間的矛盾導致世界局勢不確定或不穩定,小國愈是被迫選邊站,這種局面愈令人擔憂。

這代表了一種全球趨勢,即在大國競爭博弈愈來愈激烈的情况下,這些不選邊站隊的大多數國家形成了中間和制衡力量,難以形成冷戰時期的兩個陣營、兩大體系。大國之間打新冷戰已失去了原有的冷戰時期國際關係基礎,整個世界在二戰後的77年間形成了密不可分的全球經濟結構。經濟全球化近來雖遭遇「逆流」,但仍是生產力發展的客觀要求和不可阻擋的歷史潮流,不可能把中國完全排除在世界之外;或者說排除中國的世界不論在哪個方面,都是不完整、不會取得成功。

中美關係是影響世界格局最大變量

美國與中國是世界上第一大和第二大經濟體,兩國GDP(本地生產總值)佔全球40%,製造業產值佔40%;作為世界貨幣,兩國總計佔國際貨幣基金組織的一籃子儲備貨幣特別提款權(SDR)比重為全球的55.66%。

美國現在仍是世界經濟、科技、網絡、軍事強國,倘美國能妥善處理好大國之間的關係,特別是中美關係,同時如果能夠很好地解決其國內矛盾和問題,美國的強國周期將會延續。可惜的是,美國正堅定不移走在相反道路上。

一個14億人口的大國,在辦好自己國家事情的同時,以和平發展方式、更寬廣胸襟造福世界各國人民,展現了不同於歷史上任何一個霸權國家的發展路徑,理應得到各國特別是美國的理解和支持,但卻被霸權國家懷疑、恫嚇、遏制。美國把中國視為最大——或愈來愈聚焦的——戰略競爭對手,步步緊逼。拜登政府不僅繼承特朗普對華貿易戰的政治負資產,且迅速延伸到科技、供應鏈、意識形態等,更深度地干預中國內政,力圖挑起中國內部裂隙,挑起中國與相關國家的矛盾衝突。美國重構全球盟友體系,重構基於意識形態的產業鏈供應鏈體系,推出印太經濟框架,矛頭都直指中國。

美國正在推動其他國家和地區與中國的經濟割裂,一旦變為現實,必然撕裂高度關聯的整個世界。若世界形成兩套體系、陣營,不僅中美會兩敗俱傷,而且相當於毁掉全球二戰後70多年形成的格局,經濟全球化將因為兩個大國對抗對峙而最終遭肢解。

中美都是偉大的國家,兩國在世界的地位與影響力都是對方難以撼動、替代和戰勝的。雙方合作產生的結果是「乘數效應」;若對抗,結果則必然是「除數效應」。中美都是聯合國安理會常任理事國和核大國,是世界上舉足輕重的國家。中美關係已超過了雙邊意義,具全球性的溢出效應。中美關係的處理與走勢,對世界格局演化是最大的變量。

假如美國非要繼續沿着錯誤道路,逼迫盟友和其他國家選邊,同時用盡一切辦法挑戰底線、刺激中國,甚至不惜引發戰爭,結果將不僅是簡單地再現「西貢時刻」、「阿富汗時刻」。美國可以決定以什麼方式開始,但卻決定不了以什麼方式、在何時結束。這或將成為美國真正走向自我毁滅的最危險選擇。

中國尋求和平發展的道路沒有錯;中國為本國和世界絕大多數人民服務,使人民脫離貧困的道路沒有錯;中國通過共建一帶一路,為更多國家尋求和創造發展機遇沒有錯。中國在修路架橋,推動世界互聯互通,推動各國相互尊重和平共處;而美國築牆畫圈,挑動戰爭,打擊或摧毁一個又一個與其利益有衝突的國家。天下「苦美」久矣!美國應改弦更張,重新認識一個和平崛起並在全球有愈來愈大正向溢出效應的中國;認識到摧毁一個有幾千年歷史文化深厚積澱的國家,是美國和任何國家不可能實現的單向意願;認識美國與一個具包容性和博大胸懷的中國處理好關係,對兩國及世界的重大作用。

美國應在全球帶個好頭,引導人民重新認識、善意對待中國,將會得到中國更多理解、尊重與回饋,美國亦將從中美合作獲得更大收益。希望美國有正確和明智的戰略,延緩美國走向衰退的進程,使其重新成為受人尊敬的偉大國家。兩國應珍視中美建交後數十年的經濟聯繫與民間往來,共同建設更和平美好的世界。

作者是中國國際經濟交流中心總經濟師
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